CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA
Case CCT 246/25
In the matter between:
FUSI SIMON MOFOKENG First Applicant
XOLISWA PERCIVAL MOKOENA N.O. Second Applicant
and
PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC
OF SOUTH AFRICA First Respondent
THABO MVUYELWA MBEKI Second Respondent
KGALEMA PETRUS MOTLANTHE Third Respondent
JACOB GEDLEYIHLEKISA ZUMA Fourth Respondent
MINISTER OF JUSTICE AND
CONSTITUTIONAL
DEVELOPMENT Fifth Respondent
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE AND
CONSTITUTIONAL
DEVELOPMENT Sixth Respondent
Neutral citation: Mofokeng and Another v President of the Republic of South Africa
and Others [2026] ZACC 43
Coram: Mlambo DCJ, Dambuza J, Kollapen J, Majiedt J, Mathopo J,
Mhlantla J, Nuku AJ, Rogers J and Savage J
Judgment: Kollapen J (unanimous)
Decided on: 21 October 2026
Summary: Failure to diligently and without delay decide joint pardon
application — contravention of section 84(2)(j) read with
sections 83(b) and 237 of the Constitution — constitutional
damages most effective remedy — extent of to be determined later
ORDER
On application for direct access in terms of section 167(4)(e) of the Constitution:
1. This Court has exclusive jurisdiction in respect of the current and former
Presidents’ failures to fulfil their constitutional obligations.
2. Leave to amend the notice of motion is granted.
3. It is declared that the first to fourth respondents failed to fulfil their
constitutional obligations, as provided by section 84(2)(j) of the
Constitution read with sections 83(b) and 23 7 of the Constitution, in so
far as they failed diligently and without delay to decide on the joint pardon
application of Mr Fusi Simon Mofokeng and Mr Tshokolo Joseph
Mokoena.
4. The applicants are entitled to constitutional damages for the first to fourth
respondents’ failure to fulfil their constitutional obligations.
5. The parties are directed to file written submissions not exceeding
30 pages on the quantum of constitutional damages:
(a) by the applicants, by 11 November 2026; and
(b) by the respondents, by 25 November 2026.
6. This order shall not preclude the applicants from instituting an action for
delictual damages in the High Court, provided that—
1
(a) nothing in this judgment determines whether such an action is
available or any defences that might be raised to such an action;
and
(b) if such an action is instituted and the High Court determines that
delictual damages should be awarded, any amount of constitutional
damages awarded by this Court shall be taken into account in
quantifying the delictual damages.
7. The first respondent must pay the applicants’ costs, including the costs of
two counsel where employed.
JUDGMENT
KOLLAPEN J (Mlambo DCJ, Dambuza J, Majiedt J, Mathopo J, Mhlantla J, Nuku AJ,
Rogers J and Savage J concurring):
Introduction
[1] This matter concerns obligations surrounding the power to grant presidential
pardons pursuant to section 84(2)(j) of the Constitution. 1 The applicants seek
declaratory orders that the current and former Presidents failed to fulfil their
constitutional obligations by taking 24 years to decide a joint pardon application and
that, had the pardon application been timeously determined, it would have been decided
by 5 November 2003. They also seek constitutional or, alternatively, delictual damages
and a structural interdict requiring the President to rectify systemic deficiencies in the
administration of pardon applications.
1 Section 84(2)(j) of the Constitution provides that the President is responsible for “pardoning or reprieving
offenders and remitting any fines, penalties or forfeitures”.
KOLLAPEN J
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[2] The application is brought by Mr Fusi Simon Mofokeng and Ms Xoliswa
Percival Mokoena (applicants), the latter in her capacity as representative of the estate
of her late husband , Mr Tshokolo Joseph Mokoena (Mr Mokoena). The matter is
opposed by the President of the Republic of South Africa, in his official capacity; the
Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development (Minister); and the Department of
Justice and Constitutional Development (Department). I will collectively refer to them
as the respondents. The case is also brought against former Presidents Thabo
Mvuyelwa Mbeki, Kgalema Petrus Motlanthe and Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma
(collectively, former Presidents) in their personal capacities . The former Presidents
neither opposed nor participated in this matter.
Background
[3] On 2 April 1992, a shoot-out between an African National Congress self-defence
unit (SDU) and members of the South African Police Service in Bethlehem, Free State
resulted in the death of one police officer and serious injury to another. Following a
flawed trial in which the only evidence against Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena came
from a single unreliable State witness, they were convicted of conspiracy to commit
robbery, attempted murder and murder . Despite not having been at the scene of the
shoot-out, nor involved with the SDU , they were convicted of attempted murder and
murder on the basis of the doctrine of common purpose. They were sentenced to life
imprisonment and an additional 18 years ’ imprisonment. Mr Mofokeng and
Mr Mokoena were eventually released on parole in April 2011, after serving 19 years.
[4] Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena maintained their innocence throughout the trial.
After the trial , they exhausted all legal remedies , including attempting to appeal their
conviction and lodging an application for amnesty before the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission (TRC). They ultimately withdrew their application to the TRC as they
Commission (TRC). They ultimately withdrew their application to the TRC as they
were unwilling to admit guilt , a necessary precondition to pursuing an amne sty
application. Four members of the SDU who were involved in the shoot -out w ere
granted amnesty for the murder and attempted murder convictions. During their TRC
hearing, three SDU members admitted that not only did Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena
KOLLAPEN J
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have no involvement with the SDU, but that the latter two “were complete strangers to
them”.
[5] Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena jointly applied for a presidential pardon
pursuant to section 84(2)(j) of the Constitution in November 2001. The grounds on
which they sought the presidential pardon were the admissions made by the SDU
members before the TRC Amnesty Commi ttee and their subsequent grant of amnesty,
the unreliability of the single State witness’s testimony and the witness’s admission that
he was bribed to present false information. Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena requested
their immediate release from prison or, in the alternative, a reprieve pursuant to
section 325 of the Criminal Procedure Act2 (CPA). The original pardon application did
not include the trial transcript or applications for leave to appeal in the High Court and
the Appellate Division due to the difficulty in obtaining them. Despite this,
Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena were not told that the absence of the criminal trial
records made their pardon application incomplete. Instead, when they followed up with
the Department and other government officials over the years, they were advised that
the application was being considered.
[6] While their section 84(2)(j) application was pending, in or around 2008,
Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena applied for presidential pardons pursuant to former
President Mbeki’s Special Dispensation,3 although they did so with the knowledge that
their affirmation of innocence before the TRC would not qualify for the special
dispensation. The Department communicated its inability to decide on the special
dispensation applications to the National Council of Provinces Petitions and Executive
Undertakings Committee in April 2010. Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena also applied
for the overturn of their convictions pursuant to section 3274 of the CPA in July 2017
2 51 of 1977. Section 325 states that “[n]othing in this Act shall affect the power of the State President to extend
mercy to any person”.
3 Mbeki “Address by President of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki , to the Joint Sitting of Parliament to Report on the
Processing of some Presidential Pardons” (21 November 2007) , available at https://www.gov.za/news/t-mbeki-
joint-sitting-parliament-report-processing-presidential-pardons-21-nov-2007.
4 Section 327 is titled “Further evidence and free pardon or substitution of verdict by State President” and
provides:
KOLLAPEN J
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(section 327 application), which was rejected by the Director of Public Prosecutions in
June 2018. This was not communicated to Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena until
March 2019, nor were they advised that the application had been formally rejected by
the Minister, as is required by section 327.5
[7] After the lack of communication pertaining to their section 327 application,
Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena followed up with the Office of the Presidency in
April 2021 on the status of the pardon application and requested that a decision be made
by May 2021. In response, the Department noted that the matter had been referred back
to it for a fresh recommendation in light of the amount of time that had passed , and
“(1) If any person convicted of any offence in any court has in respect of the conviction
exhausted all the recognised legal procedures pertaining to appeal or review, or if such
procedures are no longer available to him or her, and such person or his or her legal
representative addresses the Minister by way of petition, supported by relevant
affidavits, stating that further evidence has since become available which materially
affects his or her conviction, the Minister may, if he or she considers that such further
evidence, if true, might reasonably affect the conviction, direct that the petition and the
relevant affidavits be referred to the court in which the conviction occurred.
. . .
(4) (a) The court shall assess the value of the further evidence and advise the
President whether, and to what extent, such evidence affects the conviction in
question.
(b) The court shall not, as part of the proceedings of the court, announce its
finding as to the further evidence or the effect thereof on the conviction in
question.
(5) The court shall be constituted as it was when the conviction occurred or, if it cannot be
so constituted, the judge-president or, as the case may be, the senior regional magistrate
so constituted, the judge-president or, as the case may be, the senior regional magistrate
or magistrate of the court in question, shall direct how the court shall b e constituted.
(6) (a) The State President may, upon consideration of the finding or advice of the
court under subsection (4)—
(i) direct that the conviction in question be expunged from all official
records by way of endorsement on such records, and the effect of
such a direction and endorsement shall be that the person concerned
be given a free pardon as if the conviction in questi on had never
occurred; or
(ii) substitute for the conviction in question a conviction of lesser gravity
and substitute for the punishment imposed for such conviction any
other punishment provided by law.
(b) The State President shall direct the Minister to advise the person concerned
in writing of any decision taken under paragraph (a), other than a decision
taken under subparagraph (iii) of that paragraph, and to publish a notice in the
Gazette in which such decision, other than a decision taken under the said
subparagraph (iii), is set out.”
5 Id at section 327(6)(b).
KOLLAPEN J
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requested that Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena complete new forms, essentially
restarting the process. Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena submitted supplementary
information after having received confirmation that the further updated information
would not serve as a new application, and requested that the section 327 application be
stayed pending a decision on their pardon application . After providing the requested
documentary proof to the Department in July 2023 and not receiving a decision on the
application despite numerous follow-ups, the applicants launched an application in this
Court in August 2025.
[8] After the applicants initiated their application in this Court, the President
undertook to decide their pardon application by 31 January 2026. On
19 December 2025, the President pardoned Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena, the latter
posthumously, on all counts for which they were convicted.
In this Court
Applicants’ submissions
[9] The applicants argue that this Court’s exclusive jurisdiction is engaged , as the
current and former Presidents’ failure to determine their pardon application constitutes
a failure to fulfil a constitutional obligation. They contend that section 84(2)(j)6 of the
Constitution, read with sections 83(b)7 and 237,8 requires the President to decide upon
pardon applications rationally, in good faith, diligently, without delay and in accordance
with the principle of legality. The applicants rely on the judgment of this Court in
Chonco I,9 which affirm ed that a challenge to the failure to determine pardon
applications, properly constructed, falls within the exclusive jurisdiction of this Court.10
6 Quoted in n 1 above.
7 Section 83(b) of the Constitution states that the President “must uphold, defend and respect the Constitution as
the supreme law of the Republic”.
8 Section 237 of the Constitution notes that “[a]ll constitutional obligations must be performed diligently and
without delay”.
without delay”.
9 Minister for Justice and C onstitutional Development v Chonco [2009] ZACC 25; 2010 (2) BCLR 140 (CC);
2010 (4) SA 82 (CC).
10 Id at paras 30 and 43.
KOLLAPEN J
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[10] The applicants bring this case on the basis of direct access in the alternative.
They say that it is in the interests of justice for the matter to be heard by this Court as a
court of first instance in light of the prolonged delay in deciding the pardon application,
the need for finality and the implication s for their constitutional rights to freedom and
security, dignity, psychological integrity and their right not to be subjected to cruel,
inhuman and degrading treatment.
[11] On the merits, the applicants’ case is that the only explanation for why it took so
long for their application to be decided is “a complete breakdown of the systems in
place for processing pardon applications or gross incompetence on the part of officials
responsible for dealing with them”. They clarify that they are not asking for a pardon;
rather, they are seeking a decision on their pardon application. The y contend that the
amount of time which has passed should be calculated from the original November 2001
application, as there is nothing which indicates that pardon applications are suspended
or paused pending other remedies, such as former President Mbeki’s Special
Dispensation or a section 327 application.
[12] In light of the granting of the presidential pardons, this Court issued directions
calling for submissions on whether the granting of the pardon application affects the
validity of the application before this Court and, arising from that, what a just and
equitable remedy would be if one was warranted. The applicants note that two of the
prayers for relief, directing the President to determine the pardon application and
consider a posthumous pardon for Mr Mokoena, have fallen away. The remaining four
prayers for relief, they argue, have not been rendered moot by the determination of the
pardon application.
[13] Three of the other four prayers for relief pertain to declaratory orders : first and
[13] Three of the other four prayers for relief pertain to declaratory orders : first and
second, that the failure of the current and former Presidents to determine the pardon
application constitutes a failure to comply with their constitutional obligations and
violated the constitutional rights of Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena; and third, that if
KOLLAPEN J
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the pardon application had been processed diligently and without delay , it would have
been finally determined by no later than 5 November 2003. The remaining prayer for
relief is for constitutional or alternatively delictual damages, stemming from the
violation of Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena’s constitutional rights.
[14] The applicants contend that the declaratory orders are necessary to vindicate the
Constitution and uphold the rule of law, especially as this Court held in Pheko11 and
Pillay12 that, firstly, a matter is not moot just because the immediate dispute has passed;
the lawfulness of the State’s conduct remains a live issue even after the conduct was
carried out and , secondly, that declaratory relief can be necessary to vindicate rights.
The applicants contend further that the granting of the pardons does not vindicate or
cure the failure of the current and former Presidents to discharge their constitutional
obligations, nor is that alone an adequate remedy in the face of the gross delay.
Accordingly, the declaratory orders are necessary for future accountability , say the
applicants.
[15] Similarly, the applicants contend that constitutional damages are the most
appropriate remedy to address the extreme and shocking infringement of their
constitutional rights. The harm stems from the failure of the current and former
Presidents to fulfil their constitutional obligations pursuant to section 84(2)(j) of the
Constitution, and which extended over such a prolonged period that constitutional
damages are necessary to deter future abuses. Finally, the applicants say that they may
be barred from bringing delictual claims arising out of their imprisonment in light of
the three-year prescriptive period on delictual claims. According to them, the grant of
the presidential pardons is not sufficient to address the prolonged, far -reaching and
reprehensible infringement; accordingly, the claim for damages is not rendered moot.
reprehensible infringement; accordingly, the claim for damages is not rendered moot.
11 Pheko v Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality [2011] ZACC 34; 2012 (2) SA 598 (CC); 2012 (4) BCLR 388
(CC).
12 MEC for Education, KwaZulu-Natal v Pillay [2007] ZACC 21; 2008 (1) SA 474 (CC); 2008 (2) BCLR 99 (CC).
KOLLAPEN J
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Respondents’ submissions
[16] The President states that the delay since November 2021, when the application
for pardon was re-submitted, is “deeply regrettable”, for which he apologises. He notes
that he sought to discover why there was a significant delay between the first application
for pardon in 2001 and the date he claims the application was presented to him. The
President states that he can find no evidence that the application for pardon was placed
before the former Presidents, despite having been processed by the Department, nor has
he been able to determine why the original application never reached the Presidency.
[17] The respondents argue that the decision on the presidential pardons has rendered
the matter moot and that the relief sought by the applicants would not have any practical
effect, which would make any decision reached by this Court essentially an advisory
opinion. Even in instances in which this Court has a discretion to adjudicate matters
that no longer raise live issues, the respondents argue that this discretion is restricted to
situations in which orders would have a practical effect on the applicants or others.
Citing Pridwin,13 the respondents note that the Court should decline to decide matters
unlikely to recur. Since a President’s decision to grant pardons is based on individual
factors and is discretionary, and the President has admitted that while the delay since
2021 was “unfortunate and regrettable”, the respondents argue that the matter is unlikely
to recur and the relief sought by the applicants would have no practical effect.
[18] The respondents argue further that the matter does not fall within this Court’s
exclusive jurisdiction, nor do the applicants make out a case for direct access. Firstly,
sections 83(b) and 237 of the Constitution do not fall within the Court’s exclusive
jurisdiction, pursuant to the test set out in Women’s Legal Centre,14 as these provisions
jurisdiction, pursuant to the test set out in Women’s Legal Centre,14 as these provisions
do not impose obligations that rest on the President alone. They distinguish Chonco I
on the basis that it was obiter dictum (non-binding, incidental remarks that are not
13 AB v Pridwin Preparatory School [2020] ZACC 12; 2020 (5) SA 327 (CC); 2020 (9) BCLR 1029 (CC) at
para 58.
14 Women’s Legal Centre Trust v President of the Republic of South Africa [2009] ZACC 20; 2009 (6) SA 94
(CC) at para 20.
KOLLAPEN J
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essential to decide the case), and made without express reasoning. In addition , the
respondents point out that the power to grant pardons is a discret ionary power of the
President and one whose exercise is not necessary for the proper functioning of the
State. On direct access, the respondents contend that the applicants’ explanation of a
need for finality is insufficient in light of their claim for damages, which will have to
be adjudicated by the High Court, and their rejection of the President’s with -prejudice
tender to determine the pardon application by 31 January 2026 and to pay the
applicants’ costs in this Court.
[19] On the merits, the respondents submit that the delay should be reckoned from
November 2021, rather than November 2001. The respondents contend that
Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena submitted a new application for pardon in
November 2021, rather than supplementing their original application. Further, the
original November 2001 application was overtaken by Mr Mofokeng and
Mr Mokoena’s application pursuant to former President Mbeki’s Special Dispensation,
their parole and their section 327 application. By pursuing avenue s other than their
original pardon application, the respondents note that Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena
interrupted their pardon process and rendered it incompetent for their pardon application
to be decided. The y explain that the primary reason for the four -year delay is the
under-capacitation of the Directorate: Legal Process in the Department, which
processes applications for the expungement of criminal records and applications for
pardon. Though the delay of four years is “regrettable”, the respondents contend that
“it is no longer than it took the applicants, themselves, to put together their section 327
applications”.
[20] The respondents contend, further, that the constitutional violations raised by the
applicants in this Court merge the delay in deciding the pardon application with the
applicants in this Court merge the delay in deciding the pardon application with the
outcome they were hoping to receive, as the claimed constitutional violations are reliant
on an expected outcome that the pardon application would be granted . Finally, the
respondents argue that, regarding the claim for damages, Ms Mokoena does not have
standing to pursue a damages claim on behalf of Mr Mokoena as the claim was not
KOLLAPEN J
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instituted before his death, nor does Mr Mokoena’s estate have any interest in a breach
of his rights, which were personal in nature.
Leave to amend
[21] The applicants have applied for leave to amend their notice of motion to include
a claim for a structural interdict in light of what they refer to as “the administrative
process for dealing with pardon applications [being] in disarray . . . compounded by the
bureaucratic resistance to the pardon process being used for the core purpose of
redressing mistaken convictions”. The remedy requested is that the President rectify
the systemic deficiencies in the administration of pardon applications , and submit a
report to this Court within six months of the Court’s order , detailing the steps taken to
comply with the directive. The respondents oppose this amendment application on the
basis that the matter does not fall within this Court’s exclusive jurisdiction, there was
no opportunity for them to answer the leave to amend application and there is an
inadequate explanation for the amendment, which the respondents contend is a
misguided attempt to cure mootness in their case.
Issues
[22] There are four issues for determination : first, whether this Court has exclusive
jurisdiction over the matter and whether leave to amend should be granted ; second,
whether the matter is moot, in light of the President’s granting of Mr Mofokeng and
Mr Mokoena’s pardons on 19 December 2025; third, whether the conduct of the current
and former Presidents violated their constitutional obligations pursuant to
sections 84(2)(j), 83(b) and 237 of the Constitution; and finally, the appropriate remedy,
if any.
KOLLAPEN J
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Analysis
Jurisdiction
[23] It is trite that jurisdiction is a “threshold requirement” that must be met before
this Court can consider a matter 15 and is determined on the pleadings. 16 Pursuant to
section 167(4)(e) of the Constitution, this Court has exclusive jurisdiction over
determinations that Parliament or the President failed to fulfil a constitutional
obligation. The relevant constitutional obligation must be construed narrowly to
maintain the jurisdiction of lower courts,17 must impose an obligation on Parliament or
the President exclusively and cannot merely pertain to conduct of Parliament or the
President.18 As the exercise of exclusive jurisdiction impacts access to courts and risks
treading on the jurisdiction of lower courts, this Court has cautioned:
“An interpretation of section 167(4)(e) that is cognisant of the imperative not to unduly
deprive these other courts of their constitutional jurisdiction, would be loath to assume
that this Court has exclusive jurisdiction even if pleadings state strongly or clearly that
the President or Parliament has failed to fulfil constitutional obligations.”19
[24] Further, section 83(b) is not enough on its own to invoke this Court’s exclusive
jurisdiction; this must be coupled with conduct illustrative that the President failed to
fulfil their constitutional obligations. 20 The primary question is thus whether
15 S v Boesak [2000] ZACC 25; 2001 (1) BCLR 36 (CC); 2001 (1) SA 912 (CC) at para 11. See also Sunwest
International (Pty) Ltd v Western Cape Gambling and Racing Board [2025] ZACC 18; 2026 (2) SA 9 (CC)
(Sunwest) at para 14 and Fraser v ABSA Bank Ltd [2006] ZACC 24; 2007 (3) BCLR 219 (CC); 2007 (3) SA 484
(CC) at para 35.
16 Sunwest id; My Vote Counts NPC v Speaker of the National Assembly [2015] ZACC 31; 2015 (12) BCLR 1407
(CC); 2016 (1) SA 132 (CC) at para 132; and Gcaba v Minister for Safety and Security [2009] ZACC 26; 2010
(1) BCLR 35 (CC); 2010 (1) SA 238 (CC) at para 75.
(1) BCLR 35 (CC); 2010 (1) SA 238 (CC) at para 75.
17 President of the Republic of South Africa v South African Rugby Football Union [1998] ZACC 21; 1999 (2) SA
14 (CC); 1999 (2) BCLR 175 (CC) at para 25.
18 Zuma v President of the Republic of South Africa [2025] ZACC 21; 2025 (12) BCLR 1428 (CC) ( Zuma) at
paras 29-30; Women’s Legal Centre above n 14 at paras 20 and 23; and Doctors for Life International v Speaker
of the National Assembly 2006 [ZACC] 11; 2006 (6) SA 416 (CC); 2006 (12) BCLR 1399 (CC) at para 254
(judgment of Yacoob J).
19 Economic Freedom Fighters v Speaker, National Assembly [2016] ZACC 11; 2016 (3) SA 580 (CC); 2016 (5)
BCLR 618 (CC) at para 17.
20 Id at paras 33 and 35. See also Zuma above n 18 at para 25.
KOLLAPEN J
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section 84(2)(j) imposes obligations on the President alone that would fall within the
scope of this Court’s narrow construction of exclusive jurisdiction.
[25] The presidential pardon power is one which the President exercises as Head of
State, stemming from the prerogative powers historically exercised by monarchs. 21
Though the pardon power is discretionary in so far as the President is not obligated to
grant a pardon, there are corresponding obligations to that power:
“[T]he function conferred on the President to make a decision entails a corresponding
right to have a pardon application considered and decided upon rationally, in good faith,
in accordance with the principle of legality, diligently and without delay. That decision
rests solely with the President.”22
[26] The right to have one’s application decided rationally, in good faith , in
accordance with the principle of legality and in terms of the requirements of section 237
of the Constitution , imposes a corresponding obligation on the President, who is the
only actor with the power to determine such applications. Such a matter is what was
contemplated when this Court noted:
“While the conferring of a [permissive] power may in certain circumstances be coupled
with a duty to exercise it, this would only arise where, on a proper construction of the
power in question, it is a power coupled with a duty.”23
[27] The failure of the current and former Presidents to decide on Mr Mofokeng and
Mr Mokoena’s pardon application accordingly falls within the scope of a failure to fulfil
a constitutional obligation. The matter does not pertain to a decision made on the
pardon application, which , as a positive act , would fall outside the scope of
21 President of the Republic of South Africa v Hugo [1997] ZACC 4; 1997 (4) SA 1 (CC); 1997 (6) BCLR 708
(CC) (Hugo) at paras 5-8.
22 Chonco I above n 9 at para 30.
23 Zuma above n 18 at para 30.
KOLLAPEN J
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section 167(4)(e),24 but rather the egregious delay in reaching a conclusion on the merits
of the application itself.
[28] As this Court stated in Chonco I, a challenge to the President’s failure to decide
on pardon applications falls within the scope of this Court’s exclusive jurisdiction. 25
Though this comment was obiter in light of the facts of the case,26 and thus not binding,
even obiter dicta are highly persuasive when they come from the apex Court and should
only be departed from “after due and careful consideration”. 27 There is no reason why
it should be departed from in this case. The analysis applied in Chonco I which led to
the conclusion that, had the matter been correct ly brought, it would have fallen within
this Court’s exclusive jurisdiction, is fully fleshed out and provides a foundation upon
which we can confidently reach the same conclusion. Even without considering the
obiter remarks in Chonco I, I am satisfied that the matter falls within this Court’s
exclusive jurisdiction.
Leave to amend
[29] An application for leave to amend pleadings pursuant to rule 28 of the Uniform
Rules of Court28 will be allowed—
“unless the amendment is mala fide (made in bad faith), or unless the amendment will
cause an injustice to the other side which cannot be cured by an appropriate order for
24 Id at para 29.
25 Chonco I above n 9 at para 43.
26 In Chonco I, the case was erroneously brought against the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development
on the basis that the Minister, as assignee of the President, failed to exercise her constitutional obligation to process
the pardon applications diligently and without delay. The Court held that the case should have been brought
against the President as the sole individual who can decide on pardon applications. The Court then noted that,
had the case been brought against the correct party, it would fall under this Court’s exclusive jurisdiction.
27 Turnbull-Jackson v Hibiscus Coast Municipality [2014] ZACC 24; 2014 (6) SA 592 (CC); 2014 (11) BCLR
1310 (CC) at para 56, citing Durban City Council v Kempton Park (Pty) Ltd 1956 (1) SA 54 (N) at 59D -F and
Rood v Wallach 1904 TS 187 at 195-6.
28 Rule 28 of the Uniform Rules of Court, which pertains to amendments, applies in this Court by virtue of rule 29
of the Rules of this Court.
KOLLAPEN J
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costs, or ‘unless the parties cannot be put back for the purposes of justice in the same
position as they were when the pleading which it is sought to amend was filed’.”29
[30] I am satisfied that there is no reason why the application for leave to amend
should not be granted. It was made in response to information presented in the
answering affidavit that was not available to the applicants at the time that they prepared
their founding affidavit , particularly that the President is unable to ascertain why
Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena’s application was not placed before the Office of the
Presidency until 2021. The respondents have filed an answering affidavit in response
to the application for leave to amend, which is permitted by rule 11 of the Rules of this
Court. The leave to amend application has been fully ventilated in this Court, is not
prejudicial to the respondents and it is something that could be addressed through a
costs order. The application for leave to amend is thus granted.
Mootness
[31] In light of the grant of presidential pardons on 19 December 2025, is the matter
moot? At its heart, this case is about more than the grant of the joint pardon application;
it is about the delay in deciding the application and the harm which arose from that.
Although a decision of this Court would not have a practical effect on the granting of
the pardon application , the question as to whether the President failed to fulfil his
constitutional obligation s, whether Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena’s constitutional
rights were infringed and what remedy is to come from that , all remain live issue s.30
Granting the presidential pardons now does not absolve the current and former
Presidents of their failure to have decided the pardon application in the past, nor does it
inherently absolve the President of any infringement of Mr Mofokeng’s and
Mr Mokoena’s constitutional rights.
Mr Mokoena’s constitutional rights.
29 Affordable Medicines Trust v Minister of Health [2005] ZACC 3; 2005 (6) BCLR 529 (CC); 2006 (3) SA 247
(CC) (Affordable Medicines) at para 9, citing Moolman v Estate Moolman 1927 CPD 27 at 29 and Commercial
Union Assurance Co Ltd v Waymark N.O. 1995 (2) SA 73 (TK) at 76D-I.
30 See, for example, Pheko above n 11 at para 32, holding that claims for restitutionary relief based on
unlawfulness of government actions are live issues even after the actions have been carried out.
KOLLAPEN J
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[32] In addition, this case presents an opportunity for th is Court to clarify the scope
of presidential obligations pertaining to a discretionary constitutional power. Although
there have been several cases pertaining to presidential pardons, 31 the scope of the
President’s power under the Constitution has never been the primary issue for
determination. Accordingly, it is in the interests of justice for th is Court to pronounce
upon this issue.
Presidents’ failures to fulfil constitutional obligations
[33] As noted previously, and as held in Chonco I, the presidential power to pardon
is a permissive power , which only the President may exercise , coupled with an
obligation to determine applications rationally, in good faith, in accordance with the
principle of legality, diligently and without delay. 32 This aligns with obligations
imposed by sections 2,33 83(b) and 237 of the Constitution.34
[34] Such obligations inherently require the President, first and foremost, to decide
all pardon applications placed before him. The discretionary nature of the President’s
power relates to his ability to grant or reject the applications for pardon, not his duty to
decide the applications. A failure of this nature constitutes a dereliction of duty and “is
out of kilter with the vision of democratic and accountable governance”.35
31 Hugo above n 21; Chonco I above n 9; Albutt v Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation [2010]
ZACC 4; 2010 (3) SA 293 (CC); 2010 (5) BCLR 391 (CC) ( Albutt); and Chonco v President of the Republic of
South Africa [2010] ZACC 7; 2010 (6) BCLR 511 (CC).
32 Chonco I id at para 30 and Zuma above n 18 at para 30.
33 Section 2 of the Constitution provides that “[t]his Constitution is the supreme law of the Republic; law or
conduct inconsistent with it is invalid, and the obligations imposed by it must be fulfilled”.
34 See also President of the Republic of South Africa v South African Rugby Football Union [1999] ZACC 11;
1999 (10) BCLR 1059 (CC); 2000 (1) SA 1 (CC) ( SARFU II) at para 148; Affordable Medicines above n 29 at
paras 48-9; and Law Society of South Africa v President of the Republic of South Africa [2018] ZACC 51; 2019
(3) SA 30 (CC); 2019 (3) BCLR 329 (CC) (Law Society) at paras 46-9.
35 Chonco I above n 9 at para 45.
KOLLAPEN J
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How much time has lapsed?
[35] The respondents aver that although the pardon application was received by the
Department in 2001, there is no record that the application and related correspondence
were received by the Office of the Presiden cy until the application was supplemented
in 2021. The respondents are unable to explain this oversight, though the President does
acknowledge ultimate responsibility as the sole individual with the power to pardon.
Despite this, the respondents contend that the 2021 pardon application was a new
application, the 2001 pardon application having been superseded by Mr Mofokeng and
Mr Mokoena’s section 327 applications, their applications pursuant to former
President Mbeki’s Special Dispensation and their parole in 2011. This contention must
be rejected. None of th ose processes ha d the effect of nullifying the original 2001
application, nor does the alleged incompleteness of the 2001 application have such an
effect.
[36] The presidential pardon power is unique in so far as the President is restricted
only by the aforementioned obligations imposed on his decision-making – that he must
make his decision rationally, in good faith, in accordance with the principle of legality,
diligently and without delay. The exercise of the power cannot be limited or otherwise
affected by legislation , as this would be directly contrary to the separation of powers
and the supremacy of the Constitution. 36 In contrast, the grant of free pardon by
section 327 of the CPA is statutorily prescribed and is based upon the existence of
further evidence that materially affects the conviction. This Court noted the distinction
between criminal proceedings and the pardon process in Albutt:
“The question in a criminal trial is whether the accused is guilty of the crime charged
and, if so, what sentence should be imposed. By contrast, in the pardon process the
question is whether, notwithstanding the conviction and sentence, the applicant should
question is whether, notwithstanding the conviction and sentence, the applicant should
be granted a pardon.”37
36 Albutt above n 31 at paras 49-50.
37 Id at para 64.
KOLLAPEN J
17
[37] The same distinction applies to the section 327 process and the
constitutionally-prescribed process. Though both could result in substantially the same
outcome, the process under section 327 is essentially a subsequent hearing on the new
evidence. In contrast, the presidential pardon under section 84(2)(j) is based on the
President’s prerogative, in which they would typically have regard to the individual’s
interests and the public interest.38 The two processes are fundamentally different, with
different legal bases and sources of authority.
[38] Regardless, this Court need not reach the question whether a section 327 process
can run simultaneously with a presidential pardon process. The respondents’ contention
that Mr Mofokeng’s and Mr Mokoena’s pardon application was essentially nullified
when they submitted their section 327 applications is not what occurred in this situation.
There was no communication that the 2001 application was refused.
[39] The President’s contention that the Office of the Presidency did not receive the
application until 2021 does not affect the analysis. As noted earlier, the President
retains full control over the presidential pardon process, even preliminary
determinations delegated to other functionaries, as the power is one granted to the
President by virtue of being the Head of State.39 Though such delegation is permissible,
the President is responsible for any failure which happens in the delegated consultation
structure which the Office of the Presidency has established:
38 See Hugo above n 21 at paras 44-6.
39 See SARFU II above n 34 at para 41:
“When contemplating the exercise of presidential powers, there can be no doubt that it is
appropriate and desirable for the President to consult with and take the advice of Ministers and
advisers. . . . Similarly, where the President acts as Head of State, it is not inappropriate for him
or her to act upon the advice of the Cabinet and advisers. What is important is that the President
should take the final decision.”
The Court stated further , in para 148, that “[t]he constraints upon the President when exercising powers under
section 84(2) are clear: the President is required to exercise the powers personally.”
See also Mncwabe v President of the Republic of South Africa [2023] ZACC 29; 2023 (11) BCLR 1342 (CC);
2024 (1) SACR 447 (CC) at para 123.
KOLLAPEN J
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“Advice rendered, be it by request or standing practice, does not transform the solo
character of Head of State powers and functions into national executive powers
characterised by their collective exercise. The preparatory steps to be taken by the
Minister and her department fall within the auxiliary powers of the President in the
decision-making process. They are neither separate from, nor external to, that process.
The President retains full powers and functions – and is therefore the bearer of all
obligations – in the greater pardons process under section 84(2)(j).”40
[40] Ultimately, whether the pardon application reached the Presidents’ desks does
not change the consideration surrounding the amount of time which has lapsed, nor the
potential failure to fulfil a constitutional obligation. The President is required to
maintain full control of, and accordingly has full obligations in respect of every step of,
the pardon process. This is a feature of the power being one which can only be exercised
by the Head of State and is the only way to avoid an accountability gap in which neither
the President nor the Department can be held responsible for failures occurr ing at a
particular step. The President is accountable for any failure of the process which
occurred in the portions he has delegated to the Minister or Department. In light of the
President’s acknowledgement that the pardon application was originally submitted to
the Department in 2001 and was not decided until 2025, the only logical conclusion is
that the amount of time which has lapsed is 24 years.
Did the President fail to fulfil his constitutional obligations?
[41] The President does not contest that he failed to fulfil his constitutional
obligations, even acknowledging that the delay was “regrettable” and apologising for
it. He similarly concedes that, although the fault may lie with the Minister or within the
Department, he holds ultimate responsibility as the pardon power is one exercised solely
Department, he holds ultimate responsibility as the pardon power is one exercised solely
by him. This aligns with this Court ’s holding in Chonco I that the President’s pardon
power in section 84(2)(j), derived from his position as Head of State, requires him to
have ultimate control over the pardon process.41
40 Chonco I above n 9 at paras 39-40.
41 Id at paras 38-40.
KOLLAPEN J
19
[42] These concessions by the President are properly made . Even if one considers
the delay to be four years , rather than 24, that would be no less unacceptable and
inexplicable. An under -capacitated administrative process is not a valid explanation,
nor is the respondents’ statement that the four-year delay is acceptable since it is as long
as Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena’s attorneys took to prepare the section 327
application. The only way in which a 24-year delay could have occurred is through
wilful neglect or gross negligence. Regardless of the reason, the fact remains that
Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena lived for two decades not only imprisoned for a
substantial period of time for crimes they did not commit, but also under societal stigma
and the pall of having been forgotten and shunned by their government despite their
every effort to follow up. Mr Mokoena passed away before his rights could be
vindicated, and also without receiving a conclusion to his long and relentless quest to
have his name cleared.
[43] Not only is the delay itself unacceptable, but the entire pardon process, including
but not limited to the manner in which the respondents have approached this case , is
shocking. For decades, Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena, and later their attorneys,
contacted the Department and other government officials on a regular basis asking for
the pardon application to be decided. The Department was advised that Mr Mokoena
was in poor health and had requested a decision on his application before he passed
away. The follow-up letter two weeks later advised the Department that Mr Mokoena
had passed away ; there was no response . This was not the only instance in which
Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena’s humanity was ignored by the government
constitutionally tasked with protecting them and their rights.
[44] The callousness with which the respondents approached this situation is evident
[44] The callousness with which the respondents approached this situation is evident
not only from the record but also in the submissions themselves. The respondents
granted Mr Mokoena a posthumous pardon, which one can argue does not properly
vindicate the harm done to him , yet they simultaneously claim that, because of their
own delay in deciding the pardon application, there is no longer a remedy for the harm
KOLLAPEN J
20
done to Mr Mokoena. This is untenable and smacks of an uncaring attitude, something
which must be strongly deprecated in our constitutional dispensation . What happened
here was far worse than the President’s euphemistic description of the circumstances as
“deeply regrettable”. Such behaviour, stretching from the initial handling of the pardon
application to the pleadings before this Court, is inexplicable and must be condemned
in the strongest terms.
Remedy
[45] The applicants seek declaratory relief and damages against the current and
former Presidents, the latter group in their personal capacities, though they limit their
requested structural interdict and costs to the current President in his official capacity.
As I have already explained, the current and former Presidents all failed to fulfil a
constitutional obligation in so far as they neglected to decide the pardon application
diligently, without delay and in accordance with the principle of legality. However, this
applies to the former Presidents in their official capacities rather than their personal
capacities. As this Court held in Law Society:
“One President is a successor in title of another and the obligations are similarly
transferable from one to the other. For the execution of the duties attendant to the
presidential office and antecedent authority is never really incumbent -specific. The
power and obligations devolve from one personality to another – it is, after all, the
Presidency.”42
[46] The failure of previous Presidents to fulfil a constitutional obligation is generally
attached to their time in office and accordingly to their official roles, rather than their
persons. That is not to say that no relief can be sought in cases when a President has
left office, especially if such failures are coupled with a delictual claim . However, in
this matter, the proper relief is against the Office of the Presiden cy rather than any
President in their personal capacity.
President in their personal capacity.
42 Law Society above n 34 at para 94.
KOLLAPEN J
21
Declaratory relief
[47] This Court has held that declaratory relief may be necessary to vindicate harm
done to applicants or to protect and enforce their constitutionally-protected rights.43 The
applicants seek declarations that the current and former Presidents failed to fulfil their
constitutional obligations in so far as they did not decide the pardon application
diligently, without undue delay, in good faith and in accordance with the principle of
legality. The applicants submit that had the pardon application been decided timeously,
it would have been decided no later than November 2003 on a most generous
interpretation for the Presidency.
[48] A declaration regarding the failure to fulfil constitutional obligations would not
only assist in validating the harm suffered by the delayed decision on the application,
but will also hopefully serve to discourage further lapses by the President, Minister and
Department. However, although it is evident that the delay is unconscionable, it would
be improper for this Court to prescribe how long the President should take to decide
pardon applications, or how long would have been reasonable to determine the initial
application. That is a question which will always be context- and fact-specific.
Constitutional damages
[49] It is trite that a breach of a right must be effectively vindicated by a suitable
remedy.44 Arising out of the declaratory relief, the applicants seek constitutional
damages and, in the alternative, delictual damages. The question before us now shifts
to what remedy, or combination of remedies, would properly vindicate the rights of
Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena in these circumstances.
[50] This matter pertains to a procedural shortcoming with substantive consequences,
as has already be en explored above. Indeed, this is the first occasion on which this
43 See Fose v Minister of Safety and Security [1997] ZACC 6; 1997 (3) SA 786 (CC) ; 1997 (7) BCLR 851 (CC)
(Fose) at paras 18-19, as echoed in Pillay above n 12 at para 115 and Pheko above n 11 at paras 48-9.
44 Fose id at para 69.
KOLLAPEN J
22
Court has considered the possibility of constitutional damages for constitutional
violations not arising out of the Bill of Rights. However, it is inconceivable to say that
the President’s constitutional obligation to consider the pardons of offenders, as
contained in section 84(2)(j), does not create a corresponding constitutional right on the
part of petitioners to have their pardon applications properly and timeously considered
by the President. Indeed, this Court has already concluded in Hugo that this is so.45
[51] The question of the appropriateness of constitutional damages in any given
matter is complicated by the seemingly indistinct legal principles governing this
remedy. In Fose, this Court accepted that an award of constitutional damages may well
be in the basket of “appropriate relief ” available for a constitutional breach as was
contemplated by the then section 7(4) of the Constitution.46 This Court said:
“[I]t seems to me that there is no reason in principle why ‘appropriate relief’ should not
include an award of damages, where such an award is necessary to protect and enforce
chapter 3 rights. . . . When it would be appropriate to do so, and what the measure of
damages should be will depend on the circumstances of each case and the particular
right which has been infringed.”47
[52] This Court went on to observe that in most cases the common law is broad
enough to provide the relief that would b e “appropriate” for breaches of constitutional
rights, but what remedy is proper depends on the circumstances presented before the
court in each case .48 In other words, an award of this nature requires a fact-specific
assessment. On the facts in Fose, this Court concluded that the applicant stood to
receive “a substantial sum” in delictual damages for the assaults he had suffered at the
hands of police ; and since this would fully vindicate his rights, an award of
constitutional damages was determined to be unnecessary.49 This means that even in
constitutional damages was determined to be unnecessary.49 This means that even in
45 Hugo above n 21 at paras 5-8.
46 Fose above n 343 at para 60.
47 Id.
48 Id at paras 58(b) and 60.
49 Id at para 73.
KOLLAPEN J
23
instances where there are constitutional infringements by the State, that does not
automatically warrant an award of constitutional damages.
[53] A further principle arising from Fose is that punitive damages have never been
a part of our law , and it would be inappropriate to infuse such an objective into the
formulation of constitutional damages. In that matter, t his Court described punitive
damages as “anomalous and unsatisfactory”, cautioning that they grant an “unjustifiable
windfall”, punish without the criminal law’s procedural protections and, where the State
is the defendant, inevitably shift costs onto “the public at large” at the expense of scarce
resources needed for “economic and social reform ”.50 As such, courts must avoid the
inevitable inclination to punish the wrongdoer in circumstances of constitutional right
infringements. Rather, constitutional damages must serve to vindicate constitutional
violations, especially in cases of systemic and egregious harms. Their purpose should
be to maintain faith in the Constitution and illustrate that this foundational text is one
that must be honoured and respected in its quest to protect all who fall within its scope.
[54] In Modderklip,51 this Court confirmed an award by the Supreme Court of Appeal
of constitutional damages for the State’s failure to facilitate a court -ordered eviction,
framing the award as being “foreshadowed” by Fose’s acceptance that appropriate relief
could include damages of this nature .52 This Court held that , although Modderklip
could have brought a separate delictual claim and a bare declaratory order “would go
some way” to addressing the State’s failure to protect Modderklip’s rights , given its
“long history of efforts to relieve its property from unlawful occupation”, constitutional
damages was the more effective remedy in the circumstances.53
50 Id at paras 65 and 72.
damages was the more effective remedy in the circumstances.53
50 Id at paras 65 and 72.
51 President of the Republic of South Africa v Modderklip Boerdery (Pty) Ltd [2005] ZACC 5; 2005 (5) SA 3
(CC); 2005 (8) BCLR 786 (CC).
52 Id at paras 66-7.
53 Id at para 60.
KOLLAPEN J
24
[55] In Kate,54 the S upreme Court of Appeal dealt with a claim for constitutional
damages. The Court held that whether constitutional damages are appropriate should
be determined casuistically, considering the nature and importance of the infringed
right, the availability of alternative remedies and the consequences of the breach for the
claimant.55 The Supreme Court of Appeal further said that, in rejecting the argument
that Ms Kate should be confined to ordinary delictual remedies, the real question is not
whether an award of constitutional damages is appropriate but whether any
constitutional remedy should be granted. It said:
“No doubt the infusion of constitutional normative values into delictual principles itself
plays a role in protecting constitutional rights, albeit indirectly. And no doubt delictual
principles are capable of being extended to encompass state liability for the breach of
constitutional obligations. But the relief that is permitted by s ection 38 of the
Constitution is not a remedy of last resort, to be looked to only when there is no
alternative – and indirect – means of asserting and vindicating constitutional rights.
While that possibility is a consideration to be borne in mind in determining whether to
grant or to withhold a direct section 38 remedy it is by no means decisive, for there will
be cases in which the direct assertion and vindication of constitutional rights is
required. Where that is so the further question is what form of remedy would be
appropriate to remedy the breach.”56
[56] The Supreme Court of Appeal’s approach in Kate addresses the overlap between
other remedies and constitutional damages.57 It simultaneously identified that an award
of constitutional damages is most suitable in circumstances where the vindication of a
constitutional right requires more than an indirect acknowledgment by the court but a
direct assertion of the rights which had been violated.
direct assertion of the rights which had been violated.
54 MEC for the Department of Welfare , Eastern Cape v Kate [2006] ZASCA 49; [2006] 2 All SA 455 (SCA) ;
2006 (4) SA 478 (SCA).
55 Id at para 25.
56 Id at para 27.
57 Id.
KOLLAPEN J
25
[57] In Residents,58 this Court formulated an operative test that constitutional
damages are available only when it is “the most appropriate remedy” , which is to be
assessed through “two overarching considerations” : whether an alternative remedy
exists that would vindicate the right, and whether that alternative would be effective or
appropriate in the circumstances. 59 When determining whether the alternative remedy
is effective, this Court prescribed that the following must be considered:
“whether expecting the claimant to pursue an alternative remedy (if there is one) would
be manifestly unjust or unreasonable in the circumstances. This is determined with
reference to the nature and extent of the violation, the position of claimants, and the
impact of the violation on the requirements for obtaining alternative relief.”60
[58] In his concurring majority decision, Jafta J was critical of both the award made
in Kate and some of the guiding principles as to constitutional damages set out therein.
On this, he posited that granting constitutional damages where delictual damages had
already addressed the harm transformed them into punitive damages. Such especially
rings true, Jafta J noted, in situations in which a breach of a constitutional right has not,
in the past, given rise to claims for damages, pointing to administrative justice and fair
trial rights as examples ;61 where the common law has ordinarily protected the rights
infringed through delictual damages awards, providing personality rights such as
dignity and privacy as examples; 62 or where constitutional damages are granted to one
person for systemic issues affecting entire communities.63
[59] The concerns raised by Jafta J in Residents do not, however, displace the
principles in Kate that whether constitutional damages should be awarded must be
determined on the facts of the situation and the view that where a direct vindication of
determined on the facts of the situation and the view that where a direct vindication of
58 Residents of Industry House, New Doornfontein, Johannesburg v Minister of Police [2021] ZACC 37; 2022 (1)
BCLR 46 (CC); 2023 (3) SA 329 (CC).
59 Id at para 103.
60 Id at para 105.
61 Id at para 139.
62 Id at paras 139 and 144.
63 Id at para 138.
KOLLAPEN J
26
a right is the most appropriate remedy, such an award may be made. That is not to say
that in terms of Kate a direct violation of a constitutional right will always require a
direct constitutional vindication of such a right. Rather, constitutional damages may
still be appropriate when the egregiousness of the harm requires a direct vindication of
the rights as the most appropriate remedy.
[60] As is apparent from the above, this Court has traditionally been cautious to grant
constitutional damages, and indeed the jurisprudence surrounding the topic has resulted
in some confusion. Though there is an interest in maintaining certainty in the treatment
of claimants vindicating the same r ight,64 we must also ensure that considerations
regarding the appropriateness of granting constitutional damages do not set such a high
bar that the remedy is a legal hypothetical , out of reach for most claimants. 65 The
presence of an alternative remedy, either under common law or statute, is insufficient
on its own to displace a claim for constitutional damages; rather, it must be the case that
the alternative remedy is an equally appropriate one for effectively vindicat ing the
violation of the relevant rights.66
[61] In conclusion, and having regard to the jurisprudence that has developed over
time, the following may serve as a useful summation of the princ iples and
considerations that have emerged with regard to an award of constitutional damages:
(a) The nature of the right violated and the degree and extent of the violation
of the right must be considered. The egregiousness of the violation is a
factor that should be considered in determining whether constitutional
damages should be awarded.
(b) The existence of an alternative remedy does not preclude consideration of
an award of constitutional damages. Where an alternative remedy is
available to the claimant, the court must determine whether that remedy,
64 Id at para 118.
available to the claimant, the court must determine whether that remedy,
64 Id at para 118.
65 Moroeng “Easing the Harness: Exploring the Development of Remedies for Socio-Economic Rights Violations”
(2025) 15 Constitutional Court Review 141 at 155.
66 Determination of an appropriate remedy will inherently involve consideration of effectiveness considering the
circumstances of the case. See Fose above n 43 at para 69.
KOLLAPEN J
27
or one of constitutional damages , would be the most appropriate in the
circumstances to vindicate the violated right.
(c) An award of constitutional damages cannot be punitive in nature or go
beyond addressing the harm that has been caused to the claimant.
(d) In assessing whether a claimant should pursue the alternat ive remedy, a
Court will inquire whether doing so would be manifestly unjust or
unreasonable in the circumstances.
(e) While constitutional and delictual damages are conceptually different,
they are related and ideally should be dealt with together. The High Court
is ideally suited to deal with such claims together.
[62] With the above in mind, I turn now to a consideration of the most appropriate
remedy in the circumstances of this case.
[63] The delictual remedy sought by the applicants in the alternative is insufficient to
provide any meaningful compensation, financial or otherwise, in this situation. Firstly,
it bears noting that although the President’s decision may warrant delictual damages for
violations of Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena’s rights under the Bill of Rights, this
would not be the most appr opriate remedy for the rea sons that follow. Similar to
Modderklip, this is a situation in which “only one party, the State, holds the key to the
solution”67 of the problem facing the applicants and where the significant time that has
passed requires a remedy more effective than a future delictual action. 68
[64] Secondly, as acknowledged by the parties, there may be nuances that hinder the
extent to which delictual damages may be granted in this situation . These include
whether a delay in deciding the pardon application is a delictual wrong ; the degree to
which the Presidents’ failures to timeously decide the pardon applications caused the
harms claimed by the applicants ; the transferability of such a delictual claim to
67 Modderklip 51 at para 42.
68 Id at para 60.
KOLLAPEN J
28
Mr Mokoena’s estate; and exactly how and why such an extensive delay occurred. Such
matters may impact upon the existence and quantum of delictual damages.
[65] Thirdly, the appropriateness and quantum of delictual damages would have to be
determined by the High Court. A High Court judgment might be the subject of further
appeals to the Supreme Court of Appeal and ultimately to this Court. In light of the
extensive delay that Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena have already endured in
vindicating their rights, the interests of justice call for an expeditious remedy that will
not be prolonged by protracted litigation and appeals. This conclusion is bolstered by
this Court’s holding in Residents that ordering the claimant to pursue an alternative
remedy should not be “manifestly unjust or unreasonable” in the circumstances.69
[66] In an instance such as th is, where there has been such a blatant and egregious
violation of a constitutional obligation by the most powerful office in the country, there
are a number of factors which render constitutional damages the most appropriate
remedy. These include: the inor dinate period of 24 years during which the breach of
the constitutional rights endured; the callous attitude of the Presidency when concerns
were repeatedly raised over time regarding the delay in taking a decision; and the nature
of the right in question – being the right to have one’s pardon application properly and
timeously considered, which, if acted on appropriately, would have seen Mr Mofokeng
and Mr Mokoena released from detention some years prior to their release in 2011 . I
am also of the view that , having regard to these factors, directing the applicants to
pursue a delictual remedy would be manifestly unjust and unreasonable.
[67] Lastly, it is necessary to deal briefly with the argument by the respondents that
constitutional damages are in any event not available in respect of Mr Mokoena,
constitutional damages are in any event not available in respect of Mr Mokoena,
because he had already passed away by then. The respondents contend firstly that such
a claim could only be pursued by Mr Mokoena himself, not his heirs, and that even if
Mr Mokoena’s heirs could pursue such a claim, this would only be the case if all
69 Residents above n 58 at para 105.
KOLLAPEN J
29
pleadings had closed prior to Mr Mokoena’s death. In essence, what the respondents
seek to do is apply common law principles regarding transmissibility of delictual
damages in a constitutional damages setting. In my view, this is not the correct
approach.
[68] In cases concerning the Bill of Rights, this Court has stated that the power to
make a constitutional damages award arises from section 38 of the Constitution, read
with section 172, and that the power is a “flexible power to determine what is
appropriate relief to a specific case”. 70 In the present case, where the constitutional
obligation breached falls outside the Bill of Rights, the power of the Court to grant
constitutional damages arises from the power conferred by section 172(1)(b) of the
Constitution to make “any order that is just and equitable”. This Court has repeatedly
emphasised the extraordinary breadth and flexibility of this power:
“Section 172(1)(b) clothes our courts with remedial powers so extensive that they
ought to be able to craft an appropriate or just remedy even for exceptional, complex
or apparently irresoluble situations. And the operative words in this section are “an
order that is just and equitable”. This means that whatever considerations of justice
and equity point to as the appropriate solution for a particular problem, may justifiably
be used to remedy that problem. If justice and equity would best be served or advanced
by that remedy, then it ought to prevail as a constitutionally sanctioned order
contemplated in section 172(1)(b).”71
[69] A constitutional damages award sought under section 38 or section 172(1)(b) of
the Constitution is not a common law damages award. There is accordingly no basis to
transplant common law rules regarding delictual damages into the constitutional
damages context in a manner that straightjackets the Court’s ability to grant an order
that is “just and equitable”.
70 Residents above n 58 at para 113
that is “just and equitable”.
70 Residents above n 58 at para 113
71 Electoral Commission v Mhlope [2016] ZACC 15; 2016 (5) SA 1 (CC); 2016 (8) BCLR 987 (CC) at para 132.
KOLLAPEN J
30
[70] In the present case, as this judgment has made clear, it can never be “just and
equitable” to allow the respondents’ own egregious delays to mean that they escape
liability for constitutional damages in respect of Mr Mokoena. On the contrary, as I
have explained in detail above, this is a case where the awarding of constitutional
damages – including in respect of Mr Mokoena – is the most appropriate remedy.
[71] For these reasons, an award of constitutional damages is the most effective
remedy that will serve to vindicate this particular harm. 72 The circumstances which
Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena were forced to endure require that we go beyond an
indirect assertion of their rights and demand a direct vindication to effectively and
properly address the harm caused . As the power to grant a pardon or reprieve is
exclusively exercised by the President and it has yet to be conclusively determined
whether the exercise of such power falls under the scope of the Promotion of
Administrative Justice Act73 – which is not a matter before the Court at this time – there
is no clear statutory remedy to address this harm.74
[72] None of this is intended to suggest that a claim for delictual damages may not be
pursued, or to offer any comment on the merits of any such claim, if brought. Indeed,
any conclusion this Court reaches does not preclude the applicants from pursuing a
claim for delictual damages. Similarly, none of these findings should be understood to
mean that the award of constitutional damages to be made in this matter shou ld not be
taken into consideration if a court is ever called upon to quantify delictual damages
where an action is successfully prosecuted.
[73] In light of the conclusion that constitutional damages should be awarded, what
remains to be determined is the appropriate quantum of the constitutional damages. For
72 See id at para 118, where this Court held:
72 See id at para 118, where this Court held:
“[C]onstitutional damages must be the most appropriate remedy available to vindicate
constitutional rights with due weight attached to other alternative remedies available in the
common law and statutes.”
73 3 of 2000.
74 See Albutt above n 31 at paras 80-3 and SARFU II above n 314 at para 142.
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the reasons already explored above, the interests of justice and finality call for this Court
to determine the quantum of constitutional damages. However, as this issue has not
been ventilated by the parties, the prudent course of action is to invite them to make
written submissions on the quantum of constitutional damages.
Structural interdict
[74] The interests of justice do not require the granting of a structural interdict,
especially one of the type sought by the applicants. Structural interdicts should be made
only when necessary and for the primary purpose of securing compliance with court
orders.75 Whilst it is understandable that the applicants requested the structural interdict
in light of the respondents’ inability to explain the cause of the delay, and their
slothfulness, granting such a remedy would be contrary to the principles underlying
structural interdicts.
[75] Although it would be improper for this Court to grant the structural interdict
sought by the applicants, in light of the clear systemic failures, I would hope, and expect,
that the Presidency would conduct a proper review into the pardon process , and put in
place the measures suggested by the applicants to ensure such an egregious and
inexplicable oversight does not happen again.
Conclusion
[76] As a final note, this case identifies a category of pardon cases that fall within a
unique space, given our history and the way the TRC was structured to address amnesty
applications. Emerging from these facts, it is evident that there was a category of cases
which fell between the cracks of the TRC and the criminal justice system. As amnesty
at the TRC depended on an admission of guilt, one could receive amnesty for a
politically motivated crime. However, this was not available to individuals who did not
commit a crime and yet were still charged and convicted. We cannot fault the TRC for
commit a crime and yet were still charged and convicted. We cannot fault the TRC for
75 See Minister of Health v Treatment Action Campaign (No 2) [2002] ZACC 15; 2002 (5) SA 721 (CC); 2002
(10) BCLR 1033 (CC) at para 129.
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this, as it was operating within a particular legal framework and for a particular purpose.
Nevertheless, what emerges is that there is a category of applicants for pardons who
were excluded from the TRC process , and their cases accordingly warrant ed special
attention by the President.
[77] It appears, from the way the case was argued and the lack of appropriate remedial
measures taken by the Presidency until this Court became involved, that the political
and legal space within which the TRC functioned was not sufficiently factored into the
processes of the Presidency relating to pardon applications for this category of persons.
If it had been, one would not have had the untenable result that those who acknowledged
their role in the crimes they were convicted of were the recipients of amnesty , while
others, such as Mr Mofokeng and Mr Mokoena, who were innocent , languished in
prison for many years. For them, all their hopes of freedom and the vindication of their
innocence would lie in their applications for pardons . This made it even more
compelling that those applications be considered and decided upon without delay. They
were failed and callously so. I can only trust that this shortcoming, together with others
identified in this judgment , will be addressed without delay , through proper systems
and heightened diligence, and that there will never be a repeat of what has happened in
this case.
Costs
[78] The applicants raised an important constitutional issue and have been successful
in this Court; accordingly, there is no reason why costs should not follow the outcome.
Costs are only requested against the current President in his official capacity . I am of
the view that this is appropriate. The President’s decision on the pardon application
upon the applicants’ intervention in this Court does not affect his and his predecessors’
dereliction and similarly does not mitigate the costs order against him.
Order
[79] I make the following order:
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1. This Court has exclusive jurisdiction in respect of the current and former
Presidents’ failures to fulfil their constitutional obligations.
2. Leave to amend the notice of motion is granted.
3. It is declared that the first to fourth respondents failed to fulfil their
constitutional obligations , as provided by section 84(2)(j) of the
Constitution read with sections 83(b) and 23 7 of the Constitution , in so
far as they failed diligently and without delay to decide on the joint pardon
application of Mr Fusi Simon Mofokeng and Mr Tshokolo Joseph
Mokoena.
4. The applicants are entitled to constitutional damages for the first to fourth
respondents’ failure to fulfil their constitutional obligations.
5. The parties are directed to file written submissions not exceeding
30 pages on the quantum of constitutional damages:
(a) by the applicants, by 11 November 2026; and
(b) by the respondents, by 25 November 2026.
6. This order shall not preclude the applicants from instituting an action for
delictual damages in the High Court, provided that—
(a) nothing in this judgment determines whether such an action is
available or any defences that might be raised to such an action;
and
(b) if such an action is instituted and the High Court determines that
delictual damages should be awarded, any amount of constitutional
damages awarded by this Court shall be taken into account in
quantifying the delictual damages.
7. The first respondent must pay the applicants’ costs, including the costs of
two counsel where employed.
For the Applicants:
For the First , Fifth and Sixth
Respondents:
P Hathorn SC and K Petersen instructed
by Webber Wentzel
K Hofmeyr SC and N Stein instructed
by Office of the State Attorney,
Johannesburg