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[2002] ZACC 21
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United Democratic Movement v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others (African Christian Democratic Party and Others Intervening ; Institute for Democracy in South Africa and Another as Amici Curiae) (No 2) (CCT23/02) [2002] ZACC 21; 2003 (1) SA 495; 2002 (11) BCLR 1179 (4 October 2002)
Links to summary
CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA
                                                                                                                        Â
Case
CCT 23/02
UNITED DEMOCRATIC
MOVEMENTÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â
Applicant
versus
THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH
AFRICAÂ Â Â Â First Respondent
THE MINISTER FOR JUSTICE AND CONSTITUTIONALÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â
DEVELOPMENT Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â
Second
Respondent
THE MINISTER FOR
PROVINCIAL AND LOCALÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â
GOVERNMENTÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â
Third Respondent
AFRICAN CHRISTIAN
DEMOCRATIC PARTYÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â First Intervening Party
AFRICAN NATIONAL
CONGRESSÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Second Intervening
Party
INKATHA FREEDOM
PARTYÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â
Third
Intervening Party
PAN AFRICANIST
CONGRESS OF AZANIAÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Fourth Intervening Party
PREMIER OF THE
PROVINCE OF KWAZULU‑NATALÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Fifth
Intervening
Party
SOUTH AFRICAN
LOCAL GOVERNMENTÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â
ASSOCIATIONÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â
Sixth
Intervening Party
INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH AFRICAÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â First
Amicus Curiae
RESEARCH UNIT FOR
LEGAL ANDÂ Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â
CONSTITUTIONAL
INTERPRETATION Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Second Amicus Curiae
Heard on        :          6-8 August
2002
Decided on    :          4 October 2002
JUDGMENT
THE COURT:
Background
[1]
In June 1999, the
Democratic Party (âthe DPâ), the Federal Alliance (âthe FAâ) and the New
National Party (âthe NNPâ)
contested the national and provincial elections as
separate parties. A month later, these parties formed a new party â the
Democratic
Alliance (âthe DAâ). Because members of Parliament and the
provincial legislatures were unable to change parties without losing
their
seats,
[1]
DP, FA and
NNP representatives continued to represent their original parties in Parliament
and the provincial legislatures, though
they operated in an alliance. In
October 2000, municipal (local government) elections were held. The DP, FA and
NNP did not participate
in these elections â instead the DA contested the
elections as a single party.
[2]
In November 2001,
a political realignment took place and the NNP withdrew from the DA, leaving
the control of the DA predominantly
in the hands of the former DP. However,
local government representatives who wanted to leave the DA as a result of this
split were
unable to do so without losing their seats.
[2]
Â
This difficulty also affected other public representatives who wished to change
parties as a result of the political realignment.
[3]
This situation
led to Parliament passing four Acts in June 2002 that aimed to allow members
of national, provincial and local government
to change parties without losing
their seats. The four Acts were:
·          the
Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Amendment Act 18 of 2002 (âthe
First Amendment Actâ);
·          the
Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Second Amendment Act 21 of 2002
(âthe Second Amendment Actâ);
·          the
Local Government: Municipal Structures Amendment Act 20 of 2002 (âthe Local
Government Amendment Actâ);
and
·          the
Loss or Retention of Membership of National and Provincial Legislatures Act 22
of 2002 (âthe Membership
Actâ).
Overview of the impugned legislation
[4]
While the
provisions of these Acts are discussed further on in this judgment, it will be
convenient at this point to give an overview
of the legislation. The First
Amendment Act and the Local Government Amendment Act both relate to floor
crossing in the local government
sphere. The First Amendment Act establishes
limited exceptions to the rule that a councillor that ceases to be a member of
the
party that nominated him or her, loses his or her seat. It provides for a
fifteen-day period during the second and fourth year
after an election, during
which party allegiances may be changed without the councillors concerned losing
their seats. This is
subject to certain requirements being met, primarily that
at least 10% of the representatives of a party must leave if this is to
apply.Â
It also puts in place a once-off fifteen-day period immediately following the
commencement of the legislation during which
party allegiances may be changed
without the councillors concerned losing their seats â even if less than 10% of
a partyâs representatives
leave.
[5]
The Local
Government Amendment Act complements the First Amendment Act by removing
references to the bar on floor crossing and by
making provision for various
aspects of local government to accommodate the new system of limited floor
crossing. These include
the composition of metropolitan sub-councils and
executive committees, the registration of political parties and the role of the
Electoral Commission.
[6]
The Second
Amendment Act and the Membership Act relate to floor crossing in national and
provincial legislatures. The Membership
Act removes the prohibition on floor
crossing currently in place and provides for a limited system of floor
crossing. Like the
system in the local government sphere, this allows for a
fifteen-day period during the second and fourth year after an election,
during
which party allegiances may be changed without the legislators concerned losing
their seats, as well as a once-off fifteen-day
period immediately following the
commencement of the legislation. The requirement that at least 10% of a party
must leave if this
rule is to apply is again relevant only to the standard
periods â not the once-off period.
[7]
The Second
Amendment Act complements the Membership Act by allowing for the alteration of
the composition of provincial delegations
to the National Council of Provinces
if the composition of a provincial legislature is changed due to floor
crossing, party splits
or party mergers allowed by the Membership Act.
The court challenge
[8]
The legislation
was challenged on an urgent basis by the United Democratic Movement (âthe UDMâ)
in the Cape High Court. First
a single judge and then a full bench of that
Court dealt with the matter. The full bench suspended the commencement and/or
operation
of the four Acts pending the decision of this Court on the
application by the UDM to have the Acts declared unconstitutional and
invalid.
[9]
On 3 and 4 July
2002, this Court convened during recess to consider as a matter of urgency the
UDMâs application and an appeal against
the orders of the Cape High Court. The
Court on that occasion, though quorate, was differently constituted. Having
heard argument
from the UDM, the government and a number of other intervening
parties, the Court issued an interim order on 4 July 2002 to stabilise
the
situation pending a full hearing in this case.
[3]
Â
This hearing took place on 6, 7 and 8 August 2002 with argument being presented
by the UDM, the government and a number of parties
that were granted leave to
intervene: the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP), the African National
Congress (ANC), the Inkatha
Freedom Party (IFP), the Pan Africanist Congress of
Azania (PAC) and the Premier of the Province of KwaZulu‑Natal. Argument
was also presented by the Institute for Democracy in South Africa and the
Research Unit for Legal and Constitutional Interpretation,
two non-governmental
organisations with electoral expertise which had been admitted as amici curiae.
[4]
[10]
This judgment
deals only with the main application by the UDM concerning the
constitutionality of the legislation. It does not deal
with the reasons for
that interim order, nor with the governmentâs appeal against that interim order
of the High Court.
[5]
The issue before the Court
[11]
This case is not
about the merits or demerits of the provisions of the disputed legislation.Â
That is a political question and is
of no concern to this Court. What has to
be decided is not whether the disputed provisions are appropriate or
inappropriate, but
whether they are constitutional or unconstitutional. It
ought not to have been necessary to say this for that is true of all cases
that
come before this Court. We do so only because of some of the submissions made
to us in argument, and the tenor of the public
debate concerning the case which
has taken place both before and since the hearing of the matter.
[12]
Amendments to the
Constitution passed in accordance with the requirements of section 74 of the
Constitution
[6]
become part
of the Constitution. Once part of the Constitution, they cannot be challenged
on the grounds of inconsistency with
other provisions of the Constitution. The
Constitution, as amended, must be read as a whole and its provisions must be
interpreted
in harmony with one another. It follows that there is little if
any scope for challenging the constitutionality of amendments that
are passed
in accordance with the prescribed procedures and majorities.
[13]
It is not
disputed that the First Amendment Act and the Second Amendment Act were passed
in accordance with the special majority prescribed
by section 74(3) of the
Constitution and the special procedures for constitutional amendments
prescribed by sections 74(4) to (9).Â
The constitutionality of these two
amendments therefore depends on whether or not they fall within the scope of
section 74(3).Â
It is only if they do not that a challenge to their
constitutionality can succeed.
[14]
There were in
substance three grounds on which it was contended that the amendments do not
fall within the purview of section 74(3).Â
The first contention was that the
amendments undermine the basic structure of the Constitution and for that
reason are not sanctioned
by any of the provisions of section 74. The second
was that the amendments are inconsistent with the founding values of the
Constitution
set out in section 1, which can only be amended in accordance with
the provisions of section 74(1). The third was that the amendments
are
inconsistent with the votersâ rights vested in citizens by section 19(3) of the
Bill of Rights, which can only be amended in
accordance with the provisions of
section 74(2). These arguments, which are dealt with below, are also relevant
to the constitutional
challenges to the Local Government Amendment Act and the
Membership Act.
The basic structure argument
[15]
The applicants
contend that the right to vote and proportional representation are part of the
basic structure of the South African
Constitution, and as such, are not subject
to amendment at all. In support of this contention they sought to rely on the
judgment
of this Court in
Premier of KwaZulu-Natal and Others v President of
the Republic of South Africa and Others
.
[7]
Â
In that case Mahomed DP, in whose judgment all the members of the Court
concurred, said:
âThere is a procedure
which is prescribed for amendments to the Constitution and this procedure has
to be followed. If that is
properly done, the amendment is constitutionally
unassailable. It may perhaps be that a purported amendment to the
Constitution,
following the formal procedures prescribed by the Constitution,
but radically and fundamentally restructuring and reorganising the
fundamental
premises of the Constitution, might not qualify as an âamendmentâ at all.â
[8]
[16]
After referring
to decisions of the Indian Supreme Court which had grappled with this difficulty,
Mahomed DP continued as follows:
âEven if there is this
kind of implied limitation to what can properly be the subject-matter of an
amendment to our Constitution,
neither the impugned amendment to section 245
nor any of the other amendments to the Constitution placed in issue by the
applicants
in the present case can conceivably fall within this category of
amendments so basic to the Constitution as effectively to abrogate
or destroy
it.â
[9]
[17]
Here too it is
not necessary to address problems of amendments that would undermine democracy
itself, and in effect abrogate or destroy
the Constitution. The electoral
system adopted in our Constitution is one of many that are consistent with
democracy, some containing
anti-defection clauses, others not; some
proportional, others not. It cannot be said that proportional representation,
and the
anti-defection provisions which support it, are so fundamental to our
constitutional order as to preclude any amendment of their
provisions.
The founding values argument
[18]
The applicants
also contended that the disputed legislation is inconsistent with the founding
values of the Constitution. The founding
values are set out in section 1 of
the Constitution which provides:
âThe Republic of South
Africa is one, sovereign, democratic state founded on the following values:
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Human
dignity, the achievement of equality and the advancement of human rights and
freedoms.
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Non-racialism and non-sexism.
(c)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Supremacy
of the Constitution and the rule of law.
(d)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Universal
adult suffrage, a national common voters roll, regular elections and a
multi-party system of democratic
government, to ensure accountability,
responsiveness and openness.â
[19]
These founding
values have an important place in our Constitution. They inform the
interpretation of the Constitution and other
law, and set positive standards
with which all law must comply in order to be valid. They are specially
protected by section 74(1)
of the Constitution which provides that section 1
may only be amended with the support of at least 75% of the members of the
National
Assembly, and six of the provinces in the National Council of
Provinces.
[10]
[20]
It is contended
that the two constitutional amendments are inconsistent with the founding
values and, as they were not passed in accordance
with the provisions of
section 74(1) of the Constitution, they are invalid. In particular, it is said
that their provisions and
those of the Membership Act and the Local Government
Amendment Act (both of which were passed as ordinary Acts of Parliament) are
inconsistent with a multi-party system of democratic government and the rule of
law.
[21]
The argument as
far as multi-party democracy is concerned, looks to the circumstances in which
the Constitution was adopted; the decision
then to base the first election on a
list system of proportional representation in which floor crossing would not be
permitted; the
inequity of changing the system in mid-term; and the particular
system of floor crossing for which provision is made in the Local
Government
Amendment Act, the Membership Act, and the two constitutional amendments.
[22]
The argument as
far as the rule of law is concerned is that the legislation does not serve a
legitimate government purpose. It is
contended that the legislation is
intended and has been designed to serve the purpose of the ruling party, rather
than to introduce
a fair electoral system; in the case of the Membership Act,
the provisions are said also to be irrational and to a large extent to
have no
practical application. The two arguments, though directed to separate values
identified in section 1 of the Constitution,
overlap.
Multi-Party Democracy
[23]
The interim
Constitution, which came into force on 27 April 1994, provided a transition
from apartheid to democracy. It was replaced
by the present Constitution
adopted in 1996 by a democratically elected Constitutional Assembly. The
relevant history of the two
constitutions and the principles according to which
the Constitution was drafted are referred to in detail in two judgments of this
Court: the
First Certification Judgment
[11]
and the
Second Certification Judgment
.
[12]
Â
It is sufficient for the purposes of this judgment to mention only that the
Constitution had to comply with the Constitutional
Principles contained in
Schedule 4 to the interim Constitution, and that this Court had to certify that
this requirement had been
satisfied.
[13]
 This is
relevant to some of the arguments that have to be addressed in this judgment.
[24]
The first
question that has to be considered is the meaning of the phrase âa multi-party
system of democratic governmentâ in the
context of section 1(d) of the
Constitution. It clearly excludes a one-party state, or a system of government
in which a limited
number of parties are entitled to compete for office. But
is that its only application?
[25]
The phrase is not
a term of art. We were referred to no authority on political science or on the
South African Constitution that
offers a meaning of these words. Nor can any
assistance be gleaned from commentaries on the South African Constitution.Â
Most
authors seem to regard the meaning of the phrase to be self-evident and to
require no explanation beyond the words themselves.
[14]
[26]
A multi‑party
democracy contemplates a political order in which it is permissible for
different political groups to organise,
promote their views through public
debate and participate in free and fair elections. These activities may be
subjected to reasonable
regulation compatible with an open and democratic
society. Laws which go beyond that, and which undermine multi‑party
democracy,
will be invalid. What has to be decided, therefore, is whether this
is the effect of the disputed legislation.
[27]
The applicants
contend that the proportional representation system is an integral part of theÂ
Constitution, that the purpose of
the anti-defection provision is to protect
this system and that any interference with these provisions is an interference
with the
multi-party system of democratic government contemplated by section
1(d) of the Constitution.
Proportional Representation
[28]
In support of
this contention reliance was placed by the applicants on constitutional
principle VIII which was one of the principles
with which the Constitution had
to comply. Constitutional principle VIII provides:
âThere shall be
representative government embracing multi-party democracy, regular elections,
universal adult suffrage, a common
votersâ roll, and, in general, proportional
representation.â
[29]
Significantly,
however, section 1(d) of the Constitution incorporates all the provisions of
constitutional principle VIII, save for
the last requirement that refers to
proportional representation. If it had been contemplated that proportional
representation should
be one of the founding values it is difficult to
understand why those words were omitted from section 1(d). Textually,
proportional
representation is not included in the founding values. Nor, in
our view, can it be implied as a requirement of multi-party democracy.Â
There
are many systems of multi-party democracy that do not have an electoral system
based on proportional representation. The
United States of America, India, and
Canada are examples of constitutional states which fall into this category.
[30]
The applicants
contend, however, that an anti‑defection provision is an essential
component of an electoral system based on
proportional representation. This,
so the contention goes, is necessary to ensure that the results of an election
are not affected
by the defection of persons who gained their seats in a
legislature solely because of their position on the party list. It is the
party, and not the members, which is entitled to the seats, and if a member is
allowed to defect, that distorts the proportionality
that the system was
designed to achieve.
[31]
There is a
tension between the expectation of voters and the conduct of members elected to
represent them. Once elected, members
of the legislature are free to take
decisions, and are not ordinarily liable to be recalled by voters if the
decisions taken are
contrary to commitments made during the election campaign.
[32]
It is often said
that the freedom of elected representatives to take decisions contrary to the
will of the party to which they belong
is an essential element of democracy.Â
Indeed, such an argument was addressed to this Court at the time of the
certification proceedings
where objection was taken to the transitional anti‑defection
provision included in Schedule 6 to the Constitution. It was
contended that
submitting legislators to the authority of their parties was inimical to
âaccountable, responsive,
open, representative and democratic government; that universally accepted
rights and freedoms, such as
freedom of expression, freedom of association, the
freedom to make political choices and the right to stand for public office and,
if elected, to hold office, are undermined; and that the anti‑defection
clause militates against the principles of ârepresentative
governmentâ,
âappropriate checks and balances to ensure accountability, responsiveness and
opennessâ and âdemocratic representationâ.â
[15]
[33]
This Court
rejected that submission holding:
 âUnder a list system of
proportional representation, it is parties that the electorate votes for, and
parties which must be accountable
to the electorate. A party which abandons
its manifesto in a way not accepted by the electorate would probably lose at
the next
election. In such a system an anti‑defection clause is not
inappropriate to ensure that the will of the electorate is honoured.Â
An
individual member remains free to follow the dictates of personal conscience.Â
This is not inconsistent with democracy.
. . . . An anti‑defection
clause enables a political party to prevent defections of its elected members,
thus ensuring that
they continue to support the party under whose aegis they
were elected. It also prevents parties in power from enticing members
of small
parties to defect from the party upon whose list they were elected to join the
governing party. If this were permitted
it could enable the governing party to
obtain a special majority which it might not otherwise be able to muster and
which is not
a reflection of the views of the electorate. This objection
cannot be sustained.â
[16]
[34]
It does not
follow from this, however, that a proportional representation system without an
anti‑defection clause is inconsistent
with democracy. It may be that there
is a closer link between voter and party in proportional representation
electoral systems than
may be the case in constituency-based electoral systems,
and that for this reason the argument against defection may be stronger
than
would be the case in constituency-based elections. But even in
constituency-based elections, there is a close link between party
membership
and election to a legislature and a member who defects to another party during
the life of a legislature is equally open
to the accusation that he or she has
betrayed the voters.
[35]
We were referred
in argument to a number of democratic countries with proportional
representation systems in which defection is not
allowed. No case was cited to
us, however, in which a court in any country has ever held that, absent a
constitutional or legislative
requirement to that effect, a member of a
legislature is obliged to resign if he or she changes party allegiance during
the life
of a legislature. In our view such a requirement, though possibly
desirable, is not an essential component of multi‑party
democracy, and
cannot be implied as a necessary adjunct to a proportional representation
system. Where the law prohibits defection,
that is a lawful prohibition, which
must be enforced by the courts. But where it does not do so, courts cannot
prohibit such conduct
where the legislature has chosen not to do so.
The anti-defection provision in the
context of conditions in South Africa
[36]
The interim
Constitution made provision for a system of proportional representation for
elections to both the National Assembly and
provincial legislatures. In the
case of local government, it required the electoral system to include both
proportional and ward
representation. The details were to be determined by
legislation.
[17]
 A
transitional provision of the interim Constitution
[18]
provided that the first elections would be on the basis of 60% ward
representation and 40% proportional representation. The electoral
system for
the proportional representation component of councils was to be
âaccording to the system
of proportional representation applicable to an election of the National
Assembly and regulated specifically
by or under the [Local Government
Transition Act 1993]â.
[19]
[37]
Details of the
electoral system for the National Assembly and provincial legislatures were set
out in Schedule 2 to the interim Constitution,
to which reference will be made
later. The election was contested by political parties who prepared lists of
candidates. Although
voters might have been influenced by the names of
candidates, and possibly their place on the list, they voted for parties and
not
for particular candidates. Seats were allocated to the various parties
proportional to the votes cast. Those seats were filled
by representatives on
the party lists, seats being allocated in accordance with the order in which
the partyâs candidates were
named on the list.
[38]
Schedule 2 to the
interim Constitution did not deal with the circumstances in which a member of
the National Assembly was required
to vacate his or her seat. This was dealt
with in sections 43 and 133 of that Constitution. Of relevance to this case is
section
43(b) which provided:
âA member of the National
Assembly shall vacate his or her seat if he or sheâ
. . .
(b) Â Â Â Â Â Â ceases
to be a member of the party which nominated him or her as a member of the
National Assemblyâ.
A similar provision concerning loss
of membership of a provincial legislature was to be found in section 133(1)(b).
[39]
The Constitution,
as the interim Constitution did, deals separately with the electoral system and
the loss of membership of a legislature.Â
Section 46(1) which deals with the
election of the National Assembly provides:
âThe National Assembly
consists of no fewer than 350 and no more than 400 women and men elected as
members in terms of an electoral
system thatâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â is
prescribed by national legislation;
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â is
based on the national common voters roll;
(c)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â provides
for a minimum voting age of 18 years; and
(d)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â results,
in general, in proportional representation.â
Section 47 deals with membership.Â
Qualifications for membership are prescribed in section 47(1). Loss of
membership is dealt with
in section 47(3) which provides:
âA person loses
membership of the National Assembly if that personâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â ceases
to be eligible; or
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â is
absent from the Assembly without permission in circumstances for which the
rules and orders of the Assembly prescribe
loss of membership.â
[40]
Whilst section
46(1)(d) requires the electoral system to result âin generalâ in proportional
representation, the details of that
system are not prescribed and section
46(1)(a) leaves these to be determined by national legislation. The loss of
membership provision,
unlike section 43(b) of the interim Constitution, does
not prescribe that membership will be lost if a member ceases to belong to
the
party on whose list he or she gained membership of the Assembly.
[41]
The
anti-defection provision relied upon by the applicants in respect of members of
the National Assembly and provincial legislatures
finds its place in the
Constitution as a transitional provision. Schedule 6 to the Constitution,
which deals with transitional
arrangements, provides in item 6(3) that,
âDespite the repeal of
the previous Constitution, Schedule 2 to that Constitution, as amended by
Annexure A to this Schedule, appliesâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â to
the first election of the National Assembly under the new Constitution;
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â to
the loss of membership of the Assembly in circumstances other than those
provided for in section 47 (3) of the
new Constitution; and
(c)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â to
the filling of vacancies in the Assembly, and the supplementation, review and
use of party lists for the filling
of vacancies, until the second election of
the Assembly under the new Constitution.â
[20]
[42]
The relevant
amendment dealing with loss of membership is inserted by item 13 of Annexure A
to Schedule 6. The insertion is as follows:
â
Additional ground for
loss of membership of legislatures
23A.    (1)       A
person loses membership of a legislature to which this Schedule applies if that
person ceases to
be a member of the party which nominated that person as a
member of the legislature.
(2)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Despite
subitem (1) any existing political party may at any time change its name.
(3)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â An
Act of Parliament may, within a reasonable period after the new Constitution
took effect, be passed in accordance
with section 76(1) of the new Constitution
to amend this item and item 23 to provide for the manner in which it will be
possible
for a member of a legislature who ceases to be a member of the party
which nominated that member, to retain membership of such legislature.
(4)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â An
Act of Parliament referred to in subitem (3) may also provide forâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â any
existing party to merge with another party; or
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â any
party to subdivide into more than one party.â
[43]
In the case of
local government, sections 157(2) and (3) of the Constitution provided:
â
Composition and
election Municipal Councils
(1)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â .
. . .
(2)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â The
election of members to a Municipal Council . . . must be in accordance with
national legislation, which must
prescribe a systemâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â of
proportional representation based on that municipalityâs segment of the
national common voters roll, and which
provides for the election of members
from lists of party candidates drawn up in a partyâs order of preference; or
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â of
proportional representation as described in paragraph (a) combined with a
system of ward representation based
on that municipalityâs segment of the
national common voters roll.
(3)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â An
electoral system in terms of subsection (2) must ensure that the total number
of members elected from each party
reflects the total proportion of the votes
recorded for those parties.â
No reference is made in the
Constitution to the circumstances in which councillors will lose their
membership. This was dealt with
in section 27 of the Local Government:
Municipal Structures Act.
[21]
[44]
What emerges from
these provisions is that the Constitution does not demand an anti-defection
provision. It makes provision for
an anti-defection provision only in the case
of members of the National Assembly and provincial legislatures and then only
for a
limited transitional period, and sanctions that provision being amended
during the transition by an Act of Parliament.
[45]
The applicants
contend that in the conditions prevailing in South Africa an anti‑defection
provision is essential to promote
multi‑party democracy. This so they
contend is because we are a new and fragile democracy in which the governing
party, the
ANC, holds almost two-thirds of the seats in the National Assembly.Â
The applicants say this means that the ANC has the ability
to attract members
from other parties by offering them inducements to cross the floor. They
contend that if defections are permitted
this is likely to weaken the position
of smaller parties and thus to weaken multi‑party democracy.
[46]
It is correct
that the threshold of 10% makes it easier to defect from smaller parties than
from larger parties. Presently there
are eight political parties with three or
fewer representatives in the National Assembly. A single member may defect
from any of
these parties if the threshold is 10%. But in the case of the ANC
which has 252 seats, the threshold would be 26. On the other
hand, the higher
the percentage, the more difficult it becomes to defect from larger parties.Â
If the threshold were to be raised
to 30% one member could still defect from
the eight parties referred to but 78 members would be the ANC threshold. It is
of course
possible to provide for no threshold, or a threshold expressed in a
percentage of total seats linked with a minimum number. But
if the number were
set above four that would mean that there could be no defections at all from
the eight small parties.
[47]
The fact that a
particular system operates to the disadvantage of particular parties does not
mean that it is unconstitutional.Â
For instance, the introduction of a
constituency-based system of elections may operate to the prejudice of smaller
parties, yet it
could hardly be suggested that such a system is inconsistent
with democracy. If defection is permissible, the details of the legislation
must be left to Parliament, subject always to the provisions not being
inconsistent with the Constitution. The mere fact that Parliament
decides that
a threshold of 10% is necessary for defections from a party, is not in our view
inconsistent with the Constitution.
[48]
Objection was
also taken to the introduction of the system during the term of the
legislatures. It was contended that the anti-defection
provision might have
affected the way voters cast their votes and that its repeal would thus
infringe their rights under section
19 of the Constitution. The section
provides:
â(1)Â Â Â Â Â Every
citizen is free to make political choices, which includes the rightâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â to
form a political party;
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â to
participate in the activities of, or recruit members for, a political party;
and
(c)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â to
campaign for a political party or cause.
(2)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Every
citizen has the right to free, fair and regular elections for any legislative
body established in terms of
the Constitution.
(3)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Every
adult citizen has the rightâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â to
vote in elections for any legislative body established in terms of the
Constitution, and to do so in secret;
and
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â to
stand for public office and, if elected, to hold office.â
[49]
None of the
rights specified in section 19, seen on its own or collectively with others, is
infringed by a repeal or amendment of
the anti-defection provisions. The
rights entrenched under section 19 are directed to elections, to voting and to
participation
in political activities. Between elections, however, voters have
no control over the conduct of their representatives. They cannot
dictate to
them how they must vote in Parliament, nor do they have any legal right to
insist that they conduct themselves or refrain
from conducting themselves in a
particular manner.
[50]
The fact that
political representatives may act inconsistently with their mandates is a risk
in all electoral systems. At the time
of the last election the ANC had the
support of the majority of the voters on the national votersâ roll. According
to the evidence
a number of parties campaigned on the basis that they would
oppose the ANC in the National Assembly. That, however, could not preclude
a
party from changing its mind after the elections and forming an alliance with
the ANC. Persons who voted for that party may feel
betrayed by such a
decision, but they cannot contend that the change infringed their rights under
section 19. Their remedy comes
at the time of the next election when they
decide how to cast their votes.
[51]
Counsel for the
applicants contended that voters can be assumed to have been aware of theÂ
anti-defection provisions of item 23A
of Annexure A to Schedule 6 and that this
would have influenced the way that they cast their votes. If so, it must also
be assumed
that voters knew that the Constitution makes provision for
Parliament to amend the Constitution. Apart from the fact that the express
provisions of item 23A contemplated the possibility of such an amendment by an
Act of Parliament, Parliament is entitled to repeal
or amend any provision of
the Constitution, including Schedule 6 and Annexure A. Voting on the
assumption that this will not happen
is a political decision. And if it does
happen, and defections take place, that is the result of an incorrect political
judgment,
and the conduct of the particular persons who were elected to
represent their interests, and not an infringement of section 19 of
the
Constitution.
[52]
It was contended,
however, that the impact of floor crossing on smaller parties goes beyond the
temporary loss of membership and affects
the funding to which they are entitled
under the Constitution. Section 236 of the Constitution provides:
âTo enhance multi-party
democracy, national legislation must provide for the funding of political
parties participating in national
and provincial legislatures on an equitable
and proportional basis.â
If the present legislation dealing
with the funding of political parties does not adequately meet these
requirements in the event
that floor crossing becomes permissible, that
legislation may have to be amended. It is not necessary to decide whether the
current
Act meets the constitutional requirements once floor crossing is
permitted and we expressly refrain from expressing a view on this
issue. That,
however, is no reason for holding that floor crossing is inconsistent with
section 236 of the Constitution. An equitable
and proportional basis for
funding political parties is possible in circumstances where floor crossing is
permissible. For instance
in Germany where floor crossing is allowed, funding
of political parties is provided on the basis of the proportion of votes gained
at the last general election.
[22]
[53]
The contention
that an anti-defection provision is an essential adjunct to the proportional
representation system contemplated by
the Constitution, and that the repeal of
the provision to permit defection without loss of membership of a legislature
is inconsistent
with the multi-party system of democratic government
contemplated by section 1(d), must therefore be rejected.
[54]
In support of the
challenge based on section 1(d) of the Constitution it is contended that the
legislation is designed to and in fact
serves the interests of the ANC, which
is the governing party in the National Assembly. In particular, it is
contended that exclusion
of the 10% threshold from the initial period, is
designed to enable the NNP and the ANC to take advantage of the breakup of the
alliance
which previously existed between the NNP and the DP. Objection is
also taken to the fact that a defecting member comes under the
party discipline
of the party which he or she joins, and if he or she should cease to be a
member of the legislature, the seat is
regarded as having been allocated to the
party to which that member defected. Finally, it is contended that limiting
defections
to two âwindow periodsâ of 15 days each during the life of the
legislature is likely to encourage opportunistic defections, rather
than
defections resulting from issues of principle. Similar issues are raised in
relation to the argument that the disputed legislation
is inconsistent with the
rule of law, and it will be convenient to deal with them together.
Rule of law
[55]
Our Constitution
requires legislation to be rationally related to a legitimate government
purpose. If not, it is inconsistent with
the rule of law and invalid.
[23]
[56]
The appellants
contend that the purpose of the disputed legislation is to enable the ANC and
the NNP to take advantage of the breaking
up of the DA. This argument equates
purpose with motive. Courts are not, however, concerned with the motives of
the members of
the legislature who vote in favour of particular legislation,
nor with the consequences of legislation unless it infringes rights
protected
by the Constitution, or is otherwise inconsistent with the Constitution. Here,
the legislation was supported by 280 of
the 324 members who voted â an 86%
majority. Those voting in favour included not only members of the ANC and the
NNP, but also
members of the DP.
[57]
The purpose of
the disputed legislation was to make provision for members of legislatures to
change their party allegiances without
losing their seats in the legislature.Â
The enactment of such legislation is specifically contemplated by item 23A
introduced by
Annexure A of Schedule 6 to the Constitution, but in any event,
it is within the power of Parliament to deal with matters related
to elections
and the membership of the various legislatures.
[58]
This power must
be exercised subject to the provisions of the Constitution itself. We deal
later with whether the legislation was
enacted in accordance with the
requirements of the Constitution. It is, however, beyond doubt that the
subject matter â i.e.
the retention and loss of membership â is a legitimate purpose
in respect of which Parliament has the power to legislate and pass
constitutional amendments.
[59]
It was also
contended that it is not rational to confine changes of membership to two
window periods of 15 days each, nor to distinguish
between the first period
during which the 10% threshold does not apply, and all subsequent periods,
during which there is such a
restriction.
[60]
Floor crossing
has been the subject of debate within South Africa since the time of the
negotiations prior to the adoption of the
interim Constitution. Those opposed
to floor crossing often cite the Indian experience. Counsel for the applicants
referred us
to a paper prepared by the Centre for Policy Research in New Delhi,
[24]
where it was said that between 1967 and 1972
âfrom among the 4000 odd
members of the Lok Sabha and the Legislative Assemblies in the States and the
Union Territories, there
were nearly 2000 cases of defection and
counter-defection. By the end of March, 1971 approximately 50% of the
legislators had changed
their party affiliations and several of them did it
more than once â some of them as many as five times. One MLA was found to
have
defected five times to be a minister for only five days. Defections were
always rewarded thereby establishing the fact that
these âfloor crossingsâ were
engineered and bought.â
This identifies two of the main
objections to floor crossing â lack of stability within legislatures and the
possibility of corruption.
[61]
Although the
South African Constitution prohibited floor crossing during the transitional
period, it also made provision for the ban
on floor crossing to be lifted by an
amendment to item 23A. The Constitution came into force on 7 February 1997.Â
Within a week
Parliament had appointed a committee
âto consider the drafting
of legislation which gives effect to Item 23A.(3) of the amended Schedule 2 to
the Constitution, 1993,
as provided for in Item 13 of Annexure A of Schedule 6
to the Constitution, 1996â.
[62]
The committee
deliberated for over a year during which it received evidence from Professor
Steytler of the University of the Western
Cape and Professor Schrire of the
University of Cape Town. The committee reported on 5 June 1998. The
recommendation of the majority
was that âat this stage of our transitional
democracy, it would be neither fair nor democratic for the ban to be lifted.âÂ
The
committee accordingly resolved by a majority âthat Item 23A should be
retained as it is.â The committee went on to recommend
â3.       .
. . that the ban on defections should be reviewed in the process of devising
the new electoral system after
the 1999 general elections. The majority in the
Committee felt that the case for reviewing the ban will be strengthened if the
new electoral system includes constituency elections.
4.        The
issue of âloss of membershipâ through expulsion from a political party should
also be addressed, together
with the review of the ban on defections.
5.        In
any future review of the ban on âcrossing the floorâ and âloss of membershipâ
through expulsion from
a political party, this Report and the deliberations of
this Committee should be given appropriate attention.â
[63]
It appears from
the report that the committee considered that there were three basic approaches
to crossing the floor. First, absolute
freedom to cross the floor; second an
absolute prohibition on floor crossing; and thirdly qualified freedom to cross
the floor.
[25]
 As far as
qualified freedom was concerned, the committee drew attention to systems in
which groups of members, and not individual
members, may cross the floor.Â
Limits are imposed in respect of the minimum number of members who can form a
group entitled to cross
the floor and form a new party or join an existing
one. Attention was also drawn to the fact that
 â[i]n some systems, a
qualified freedom to âcross the floorâ is not allowed immediately after a
general election but only
after the first year or so of the term of the
legislature.â
[64]
The committee
stated that:
âThe basic argument for
this approach is that during the term of the legislature there can be
significant shifts in public opinion
which do not warrant fresh elections, but
which have to be represented in the legislature. By allowing groups of MPs to
âcross
the floorâ these shifts of opinion may be reflected in the legislature.Â
Also, genuine differences of interpretation on what mandate
the electorate gave
a party, and how to implement it, can lead to splits in the party, and this
should be allowed expression by way
of âcrossing the floorâ. The ability to
cross the floor also curtails the power of the âparty bossesâ and makes for a
more
vibrant political atmosphere. In short, greater democracy and representivity
is made possible through a qualified freedom to âcross
the floorâ.â
[65]
In dealing with
the approach to be adopted in South Africa, reference was made in the
committeeâs report to the opinions of Professor
Steytler and Professor Schrire,
both of whom felt that a qualified freedom to cross the floor should be allowed
in South Africa.Â
It was reported that
âProf Steytler was of the
opinion that if 20% to 25% of the members of a party wanted to leave that
party, they should be allowed
to do so, provided that they constitute a minimum
number of members in the case of small parties. Prof Schrire felt that 5% to
10% of a party would be acceptable.â
[66]
It also appears
from the report that a number of representatives of the political parties,
including the DP, the NNP, the PAC and
the ACDP, argued for an absolute freedom
to cross the floor. The ANC and the IFP seem to have been the only parties in
favour of
the restrictions on defections imposed by item 23A.
[67]
What is apparent
from this is that there were conflicting views within Parliament as to whether
or not floor crossing was appropriate
for South Africa. The differing views
were each supported as being consistent with democracy and ultimately a
political decision
was taken not to amend item 23A.
[68]
In the
Pharmaceuticals
Manufacturers
case
[26]
it was
pointed out that rationality as a minimum requirement for the exercise of
public power,
âdoes not mean that the
courts can or should substitute their opinions as to what is appropriate, for
the opinions of those in whom
the power has been vested. Â As long as the
purpose sought to be achieved by the exercise of public power is within the
authority
of the functionary, and as long as the functionaryâs decision, viewed
objectively, is rational, a court cannot interfere with the
decision simply
because it disagrees with it or considers that the power was exercised
inappropriately.â
This applies also and possibly with
greater force to the exercise by Parliament of the powers vested in it by the
Constitution, including
the power to amend the Constitution.
[69]
The limitation of
floor crossing to two window periods in the life of the legislature is clearly
directed to concerns relating to
stability within the legislatures that had
been identified in the debates that had taken place concerning floor crossing.Â
Viewed
objectively in the light of the debates and the expert opinions that had
been obtained, a decision to limit floor crossing to two
window periods is in
our view a rational decision.
[70]
The distinction
between the first period and all subsequent periods is also rational. The DA
had broken up. The legislation was
clearly a reaction to that event.Â
Parliament was able to assess the extent of the break up itself, and there was
no need for an
artificial threshold to be set to determine whether or not
significant changes in the political climate had taken place that warranted
the
sanctioning of changes of membership. The DP and NNP, the two parties most
affected by the change, both voted in favour of
the amendments. Whilst other
parties would not necessarily have been affected by this event, it cannot be
said to be irrational
to pass a law of general application to deal with a
concrete situation, rather than a law which would apply only to members of the
DA, the DP and the NNP. Indeed, to have made provision only for members of
those parties might itself have given rise to constitutional
objection.
[27]
[71]
The final issue
with regard to the founding values and rule of law relates to the filling of
vacant seats. Members elected on party
lists are subject to party discipline
and are liable to be expelled from their party for breaches of discipline. If
that happens
they cease to be members of the legislature.
[72]
Defecting members
who form or join another party become subject to that partyâs discipline and
are equally liable to expulsion for
breaches of discipline. Thus, if a
defecting member is subsequently expelled from his or her new party, or if a
member dies, provision
has to be made for how the vacant seats are to be
filled.
[73]
The legislation
makes provision for seats of defecting members to be regarded as having been
allocated to the party that the defecting
members join or form. It is
contended that this is not rationally related to the governmental purpose of
permitting defections,
and that it is inconsistent with multi-party democracy,
for it allows a member not only to defect, but to cede to party B a seat
won at
the election by party A.
[74]
The legislation
accommodates mid-term shifts in political allegiances. Hence the 10%
threshold. Bearing in mind that the purpose
of the legislation is to
accommodate mid-term shifts in political allegiances and the limited term for
which a defecting member will
remain a member of the legislature it seems to us
to be neither irrational nor inconsistent with multi-party democracy to provide
that the seat should be regarded as the seat of the new party for the remainder
of that memberâs term.
[75]
In the result the
objection to the four Acts on the grounds that they are inconsistent with the
founding values and the Bill of Rights
must fail. That makes it unnecessary to
consider whether such provisions can be amended by inference, or whether it is
necessary
if that be the purpose of an amendment, to draw attention to this in
the section 74(5) notices, and to state specifically that the
provisions of
section 74(1) or 74(2), as the case may be, are applicable to such amendments.
[76]
It is now
necessary to consider the challenges directed specifically to change of
membership in the local government sphere, and to
change of membership in the
National Assembly and provincial legislatures. We deal first with local
government. This involves
the First Amendment Act and the Local Government
Amendment Act.
The Constitutionality of the First
Amendment Act and the Local Government Amendment Act
[77]
Prior to these
amendments the Constitution provided that the local government electoral system
must ensure that the total number of
members elected from each party reflects
the total proportion of the votes recorded for that party.
[28]
Â
The terms of the First Amendment Act are set out below. The words in square
brackets indicate deletions and the underlined portions
indicate additions.Â
The amendments to section 157 of the Constitution were as follows:
â(1)Â Â Â Â Â
Subject
to Schedule 6A,
a Municipal Council consists ofâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â members
elected in accordance with subsections
[
(2), (3), (4) and (5)
]
(2)
and (3)
;Â or
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â if
provided for by national legislationâ
 (i)       members
appointed by other Municipal Councils to represent those other Councils; or
(ii)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â both
members elected in accordance with paragraph (a) and members appointed in
accordance with subparagraph (i)
of this paragraph.
(2)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â The
election of members to a Municipal Council as anticipated in subsection (1)(a)
must be in accordance with national
legislation, which must prescribe a systemâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â of
proportional representation based on that municipalityâs segment of the
national common voters roll, and which
provides for the election of members
from lists of party candidates drawn up in a partyâs order of preference; or
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â of
proportional representation as described in paragraph (a) combined with a
system of ward representation based
on that municipalityâs segment of the
national common voters roll.
(3)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â An
electoral system in terms of subsection 2 must
[
ensure that the total
number of members elected from each party reflects the total proportion of the
votes recorded for those parties
]
result, in general, in proportional
representation
.â
[78]
Schedule 6A
details the circumstances in which the loss of membership of the party to which
a councillor belongs will result in the
loss of membership of the council, and
circumstances in which a change of allegiance will not have such a result. The
broad principles
have already been referred to
[29]
and it is not necessary to set out the full terms of the Schedule. Item 9 of
the Schedule provides that
â[t]his Schedule may be
amended by an Act of Parliament passed in accordance with section 76(1).â
[79]
In the
First
Certification Judgment
this Court held that the Constitution could not
immunise statutes from constitutional review.
[30]
In the
Second Certification Judgment
, however, it accepted that
transitional provisions subject to amendment by an Act of Parliament could be
recorded in a schedule to
the Constitution, holding that in such circumstances
the transitional provisions constituted ordinary legislation.
[31]
Â
A material consideration in reaching this conclusion was that the
Constitutional Principles prescribed that a special majority
would be necessary
for amendments to the Constitution.
[80]
Item 9 of the
Schedule therefore gives rise to some uncertainty. Is it valid? If so, what
impact does it have on the status of
the Schedule? Does the Schedule have
constitutional status or the status of ordinary legislation or possibly a
special status of
provisions which, if not amended, are protected against
constitutional review?
[81]
There was no
challenge to the validity of item 9 and, as such, it is not necessary to deal
with these issues here. In our view,
however, it is not appropriate to deal in
a schedule to the Constitution with detailed legislative provisions of a
permanent nature,
which are subject to amendment by an Act of Parliament. It
may even be impermissible to do so where such provisions are not closely
related to constitutional structures. Here, however, the Constitution
regulates elections, and the circumstances in which an elected
member of a
legislature will lose his or her membership. There is accordingly sufficient
proximity between the subject matter of
Schedule 6A and the provisions of the
Constitution to make it unnecessary to consider this question. That, however,
does not dispose
of the difficulty as to the status of the Schedule.
[82]
The validity of
the Schedule was challenged on the grounds that it permits floor crossing and
thus fails to meet the prescribed constitutional
standard that the electoral
system must result
in general
in proportional representation. In
support of this contention it was submitted that although Schedule 6A was
introduced into the
Constitution by way of a constitutional amendment, because
it is subject to amendment by an Act of Parliament, its status is that
of
ordinary legislation. It is not necessary for the purposes of this judgment to
decide whether this is correct. We will assume
in favour of the applicants
that it is.
[83]
The First
Amendment Act amends sections 157(1) and (3) of the Constitution. It was
contended that there is an irreconcilable tension
between subsection (1), which
refers to Schedule 6A, and subsection (3) which states the requirement that the
electoral system must
result in general in proportional representation. A
court must endeavour to give effect to all the provisions of the Constitution.Â
It would be extraordinary to conclude that a provision of the Constitution
cannot be enforced because of an irreconcilable tension
with another
provision. When there is tension, the courts must do their best to harmonise
the relevant provisions, and give effect
to all of them. Sections 157(1) and
(3) must thus be read together in the context of the Constitution and the
section as a whole.
[84]
The Constitution
as amended contemplates that floor crossing will be permissible in the local
government sphere. Section 157(1)
provides that council members must be
elected in accordance with subsections (2) and (3), but subject to Schedule
6A. This does
not subordinate the Constitution to the Schedule. It simply
requires section 157(3) to be read consistently with section 157(1)
and the
Schedule. If this is done, then in the light of the reference to Schedule 6A,
the reference in subsection (3) to the need
for the electoral system to result
in general in proportional representation must be construed as a reference to
the voting system
and not to the conduct of elected members after the
election. This is consistent with other provisions of the Constitution which
deal separately with the electoral system and loss of membership. In our view,
even if Schedule 6A has the status of ordinary legislation,
it is not inconsistent
with the Constitution as amended by the First Amendment Act.
Constitutionality of the Second
Amendment Act and the Membership Act
[85]
Membership of the
National Assembly and provincial legislatures is dealt with in the Second
Amendment Act and the Membership Act.Â
The Membership Act makes provision for
the circumstances in which a member of the National Assembly or a provincial
legislature
can change party allegiance without losing membership of the
Assembly or the provincial legislature.
[86]
Items 6 and 10 of
Schedule 6 to the Constitution, read with Schedule 2 to the interim
Constitution and Annexure A to Schedule 6 of
the Constitution establish a
transitional electoral and membership regime applicable to the first election
of members of the National
Assembly and provincial legislatures.
[32]
Â
This regime is to remain in place until the second election which is to be
regulated by the legislation envisaged in sections 46(1)(a)
and 105(1)(a) of
the Constitution.
[87]
Item 23A of
Annexure A, which contains the anti-defection provision, in effect makes
provision for an additional ground for loss of
membership of the legislature
during the transitional period. In terms of item 23A(3), however, Parliament
had the authority to
pass legislation to make it âpossible for a member of the
legislature who ceases to be a member of the party which nominated that
member,
to retain membership of such legislature.â
[33]
Â
Such legislation had to be passed âwithin a reasonable period after the new
Constitution took effectâ.
[34]
[88]
Annexure A is a
transitional provision which has no life beyond the transitional period that it
regulates. It follows, that the
anti-defection provision of item 23A and the
power to amend that provision within a reasonable period, also have no life
beyond the
transitional period.
[89]
Counsel for the
respondents correctly accepted that this was so and that the transitional
period will come to an end at the latest
in September 2004 which is the latest
time by which the second election must be held. They contended, however, that
this means
that item 23A can be amended at any time during the transitional
period. In effect this treats the qualification that the amendment
must be
made within a reasonable period as having no meaning. We deal later with this
and with a further submission that the qualification
that the amendment be
passed within a reasonable period after the new Constitution came into force is
unenforceable. But first
we must deal with another argument addressed to the
rationality of the provisions.
[90]
According to the
new item 23A introduced by the Membership Act, the window periods apply for a
period of 15 days from the first to
the fifteenth day of September in the
second and fourth years following the date of the election. A year is defined
as a period
of 365 days â not a calendar year. The elections were held in June
1999. The first window period in September of the second
year following the
election, would have been in September 2000. The fourth year following the
election would be September 2002,
but in terms of subparagraph (5)(a) of the
new item 23A, window periods do not apply during the year ended 31 December
2002. It
was contemplated that the window period for 2002 would commence
immediately after the coming into force of the Membership Act, and
that the 10%
threshold would not apply then.
[91]
What seems to
have been overlooked in the drafting of the new item 23A is that the Schedule
of which it is part has only a limited
life and will expire at the time of the
second election. Item 23A will therefore expire before any of the September
window periods
for which it makes provision. It was contended that in the
circumstances, and viewed objectively, the provisions are irrational
and serve
no legitimate purpose.
[92]
There is much to
be said for this proposition. It is, however, not necessary to decide whether
this is so, and if it is, whether
subitem (4) which deals with the initial
period can be severed from subitems (2) and (3). The challenge to the validity
of the
Membership Act goes beyond the argument directed to rationality.
[93]
We have already
drawn attention to the fact that prior to the passing of the Membership Act,
item 23A made provision for the Schedule
to be amended by an Act of Parliament
passed in accordance with Section 76(1) of the new Constitution âwithin a
reasonable period
after the new Constitution took effectâ. This is the only
item in Schedule 2 read with Annexure A that was declared to be subject
to
amendment by an Act of Parliament. There is nothing to suggest that it was
contemplated that the other items in the Annexure
and Schedule could be amended
in this way. It is not necessary, however, to deal with this issue.
[94]
It is not clear
why the temporal limitation was inserted into item 23A, nor what the full
implications are of this having been done.Â
The applicants contend that this
was done to ensure that any change would be known before the first election, so
that voters would
know at the time of the election that there existed a
possibility that members of the party for whom they voted, might subsequently
defect to join another party. If this had been so, however, one would have
expected the item to say in specific terms that an amendment
must be passed prior
to a specified date or within a reasonable period prior to the first election.
[35]
[95]
It may be that
the anti-defection issue was one which the Constitutional Assembly could not
resolve and decided to deal with on the
basis of a transitional provision,
leaving the principal issue to be determined at a later date.
[96]
Item 23A was
included in the first draft adopted by the Constitutional Assembly. In the
first certification proceedings no objection
was taken to certain other
transitional provisions that were subsequently challenged during the second
certification proceedings.Â
There were two such challenges: one to the
continuation of the Local Government Transition Act
[36]
and the other to the continuation of transitional provisions of the interim
Constitution dealing with public administration and security
services.
[37]
[97]
In the
Second
Certification Judgment
this Court dismissed these objections, holding that
the continuation of the Local Government Transition Act as an interim measure
was permissible. The Act remained ordinary legislation and was not immunised
by the Constitution from constitutional review.Â
It was thus not inconsistent
with the constitutional principle that required the Constitution to be the
supreme law.
[38]
[98]
The continuation
of transitional provisions of the interim Constitution dealing with public
administration and security services was
of a different character. In terms of
item 24 of Schedule 6, they were continued âsubject toâ:
â(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â .
. .
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â any
. . . amendment or any repeal of those sections by an Act of Parliament passed
in terms of section 75 of the
new Constitution; and
(c)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â consistency
with the new Constitution.â
The Court held that on a proper
construction of the Constitution the relevant provisions of the interim
Constitution were continued
as ordinary legislation which was expressly made
subordinate to the Constitution. They fell to be dealt with in the same way as
any other legislation continued by the Constitution and were therefore not
inconsistent with the Constitutional Principles.
[39]
[99]
No objection was
taken at any stage of the confirmation proceedings to the continuation of
Schedule 2 to the interim Constitution
read with Annexure A to Schedule 6. The
implications of item 23A were accordingly not considered in the certification
judgments.Â
Item 23A(3) is different to the transitional provisions that were
dealt with in the second confirmation proceedings and held to be
consistent
with the Constitution. It applies only to an amendment to item 23A(1) and not
to the other provisions of the Annexures.Â
Presumably it was contemplated that
the other provisions would be subject to amendment only in terms of the
Constitution. We deal
later with the implications of this as far as the status
of item 23A is concerned.
[100]
If item 23A is seen in this light and
not in hindsight, there may have been good reason for requiring that the
special exception to
the ordinary amendment procedure be exercised
expeditiously. If this was not done, the special exemption would fall away and
section
23A could then be amended only in the same way as the other provisions
of Schedule 2 to the interim Constitution read with Annexure
A to Schedule 6 â
i.e. by a constitutional amendment. Consistently with this need for expedition
the National Assembly which
formed part of the Constitutional Assembly that
drafted the Constitution appointed a committee to enquire into this issue
within
a week of the Constitution having come into force. Approximately a year
later the committee recommended against an amendment.
[101]
But whatever the reason might have
been, the stipulation that the amendment be passed âwithin a reasonable period
after the new
Constitution took effectâ placed a constraint upon the power of
Parliament to act in terms of that provision.
[102]
The Constitution took effect on 4
February 1997. As we have mentioned previously, the evidence shows that
Parliament immediately
appointed a committee to consider whether or not to make
provision for floor crossing. This committee reported to Parliament in
June
1998 recommending that the provision be not amended. The matter only returned
to the Parliamentary agenda during 2002 after
the break-up of the DA occurred.
The amendments were passed in June 2002. That was approximately five years
after the new Constitution
took effect and approximately two years before the
expiry of the transitional period.
[103]
It seems clear to us that if
Parliament had wished to modify the anti-defection provisions it could
reasonably have done so at the
time the ad-hoc committee reported and
recommended against any change. Allowing for the time required for drafting of
legislation
and for public debate, the legislation could reasonably have been
passed during 1999. The fact that it was only passed some three
years later
was due to the change in the political climate, rather than to constraints of
time.
[104]
Item 23A vested a special power in
Parliament to amend the transitional provisions of the Constitution by an Act
of Parliament, rather
than by a constitutional amendment. That power was
subject to a limitation that it be exercised within a reasonable period after
the Constitution came into force. We are unable to accept the contention
advanced on behalf of the respondents that this permitted
the making of an
amendment at any time during the transitional period. That would render the
qualification meaningless.
[105]
In determining what is a reasonable
period within which such legislation could be passed, it is necessary to have
regard to all relevant
facts and circumstances. The relevant considerations
depend in the first instance upon the nature of the task that has to be
performed,
and in the second instance upon the object for which the time is
given. Here the task to be performed was the passing of legislation
to modify
transitional provisions that had a limited life. Although regard must be had
to the difficulties confronting a young
Parliament faced with the need to
transform many of the laws of the country and bring them into line with the
political changes which
have taken place since 1994, there is nothing to
suggest that this was the reason for the delay in amending Item 23A. Having
regard
to all the circumstances, we are unable to conclude that an amendment
passed more than five years after the Constitution came into
force, to change a
provision which had only another two years to run, was passed within a
reasonable period.
[106]
We have considered whether the Second
Amendment Act has a bearing on what is a reasonable period. This amendment
makes provision
for the possibility that changes may be made to the appointment
of delegates to the National Council of Provinces, if there are changes
to
party membership of provincial legislatures. There can be no doubt that the
amendment was passed in order to make provision
for the consequences of the
Membership Act which Parliament assumed to be valid. If, however, the
Membership Act was not passed
within a reasonable period after the Constitution
came into force, and was accordingly not valid, the constitutional amendment
can
have no bearing upon its validity. The purpose of the amendment was not to
validate the Act of Parliament and the amendment did
not purport to do so. It
assumed that the Act had been validly passed, and on that assumption made
provision for consequences of
changes of membership which might take place.
[107]
What are the consequences of the
failure to pass item 23A within a reasonable period? In his affidavit opposing
the application
the Minister contends that if item 23A does not have
constitutional status it is ordinary legislation and can thus be amended as
ordinary legislation. Although the Constitution requires ordinary legislation
of this character to be amended in accordance with
the provisions of section 75
of the Constitution, it was contended in argument that this did not invalidate
the amendment, for resort
to what was claimed to be the more rigorous procedure
of section 76 was permissible. On the other hand, the applicants contended
that the manner and form provisions of the Constitution are mandatory, and if
item 23A has the status of ordinary legislation, the
wrong procedure was
followed, and the amendment was accordingly invalid.
[108]
We have come to the conclusion that
the amendment to item 23A passed in terms of section 76 of the Constitution is
invalid because
it was not passed within a reasonable period. We prefer,
however, to base our decision to that effect on grounds different from
that
contended for by the applicants.
[109]
We have already drawn attention to
the fact that item 23A is different to the transitional provisions that were
considered during
the second certification proceedings. In the case of such
provisions the purpose of the Constitution was clear. The provisionsÂ
were to
remain in force throughout the transition subject to amendment by an Act of
Parliament. As such, they had the status of
ordinary legislation and to treat
them as such was consistent with the Constitutional Principles. In the case of
item 23A, however,
the purpose was different. Item 23A was to remain in place
during the transition unless amended by an Act of Parliament within
a
reasonable period.
[110]
We do not have to consider the
precise status of item 23A. It is a provision of a schedule which forms part
of the Constitution
which can only be amended in accordance with the provisions
of the Constitution. The special exemption in respect of an amendment
of item
23A during the limited transitional period may have given that item a special
status. This does not mean, however, that
the manner and form provisions
according to which the special exemption could be exercised were invalid. They
were part of the
Constitution and had to be complied with. Thus, however one
describes item 23A, once the prescribed time expired, the âspecial
exemptionâ
ceased to be applicable. That means that the only way in which the item can
now be amended is by a constitutional
amendment.
[111]
To hold otherwise, and to conclude
that the failure to comply with the special exemption contained in item 23A
results in Parliament
being able to amend the item at any time, would be
inconsistent with the language of item 23A and its purpose.
[112]
Item 23A was part of the
Constitution. Whether the special exemption permitting an amendment of a
transitional provision for a limited
period by an Act of Parliament was
consistent with the Constitutional Principles need not now be considered. The
reasonable period
has expired, and the precise status of item 23A during the
period when it could be amended by an Act of Parliament, is no longer
relevant. The Constitution was certified and we must interpret its provisions
in a way that gives effect as far as possible to
the purpose of Schedule 6.
[113]
We are concerned here with the
interpretation of a provision of the Constitution. In doing so we should avoid
legal formalism
[40]
and strive
to give effect to its purpose. Any construction other than the one we have
adopted would defeat the very purpose of
the provision, and must therefore be
avoided. We hold, therefore, that the section 76 procedure was an option only
during the âreasonable
periodâ contemplated by item 23A, and that having
expired, the amendment of the Constitution in a manner not contemplated or
sanctioned
by the Constitution itself, was invalid.
[114]
In the result, we have come to the
conclusion that the objection to the validity of the Membership Act must be
upheld, and that the
other objections must be dismissed. Although counsel for
some of the parties referred to the four pieces of legislation as a âpackageâ,
it was correctly not contended that a finding of unconstitutionality with
regard to one of the Acts would render the other Acts unconstitutional
as
well. It is therefore only the Membership Act that must be declared
unconstitutional.
The
appropriate order
      Â
[115]
It is necessary now to consider what
an appropriate order will be in the circumstances of this case. Section 172(1)
of the Constitution
provides:
âWhen deciding a
constitutional matter within its power, a courtâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â must
declare that any law or conduct that is inconsistent with the Constitution is
invalid to the extent of its
inconsistency; and
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â may
make any order that is just and equitable, includingâ
(i)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â an
order limiting the retrospective effect of the declaration of invalidity; and
(ii)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â an
order suspending the declaration of invalidity for any period and on any
conditions, to allow the competent
authority to correct the defect.â
What is just and equitable depends on
the circumstances of each case. In
Fose v Minister of Safety and Security
[41]
this Court held that it may be necessary for courts to fashion orders to ensure
that effect is given to constitutional rights.Â
One of the considerations that
must be kept in mind by a court in making orders in constitutional matters,
âis the principle of the
separation of powers and, flowing therefrom, the deference it owes to the
legislature in devising a remedy
. . . in any particular case. It is not
possible to formulate in general terms what such deference must embrace, for
this depends
on the facts and circumstances of each case. In essence, however,
it involves restraint by the courts in not trespassing onto that
part of the
legislative field which has been reserved by the Constitution, and for good
reason, to the legislature. Whether, and
to what extent, a court may interfere
with the language of a statute will depend ultimately on the correct
construction to be placed
on the Constitution as applied to the legislation and
facts involved in each case.â
[42]
[116]
Both of these cases were concerned
with orders that would be appropriate to ensure that constitutional rights are
enforced. But
similar considerations apply in the present case where it is
necessary to consider what is a just and equitable order in a case where
constitutional challenges have failed. This is necessary because the interim
orders made intruded into the field reserved by the
Constitution for the legislature.Â
As a result, local government councillors were not able to take advantage of an
amendment to
the Constitution and legislation we have held to be valid. The
first window period contemplated by item 7 of Schedule 6A of the
Constitution
has in the meantime expired. Unless this Court makes an order that addresses
this, the effect of the Court proceedings
will have been to frustrate the will
of Parliament and to render nugatory the provisions of item 7 of Schedule 6A.
[117]
We consider it necessary in the
circumstances to fashion an order to deal with this situation. This can best
be done by providing
that the window period in item 7 of Schedule 6A, which has
in effect been suspended by the interim orders, should commence to run
on 8
October 2002. This will allow a sufficient period for those interested to study
the judgment and consider their positions accordingly.Â
The fifteen-day window
period will then come into force and municipal council members wishing to cross
the floor will be able to
do so.
[118]
To ensure that no prejudice is
suffered as a result of the orders that have been made by the High Court and
this Court before an adequate
opportunity has been allowed for the consideration
of the terms of this judgment, paragraphs 13(a), (b) and (c) of the interim
order
of this Court will be kept in force until the expiry of the fifteen-day
window period. They provide:
â(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â anyone
who was a member of the National Assembly, a provincial legislature, or a
municipal council immediately
prior to the order made by the Cape High Court on
20 June 2002 and who has since then or may hereafter cease to be a member of a
party of which he or she was then a member shall not by reason of that fact
cease to be a member of such assembly, legislature or
municipal council, or be
denied any rights and privileges attaching to such membership.
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â anyone
who, subsequent to the order made by the Cape High Court on 20 June 2002, has
been removed from membership
of the National Assembly, a provincial
legislature, or a municipal council by reason directly or indirectly of
anything done by such
person to take advantage of the [floor-crossing
legislation] shall be restored to such membership with all rights and
privileges
attaching thereto, and any person who has replaced such person as a
member of the national assembly, provincial legislature, or municipal
council
shall cease to be a member of such body.
(c)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â no
resolution shall be taken in the National Assembly, a provincial legislature or
a municipal council that will
have the effect of shifting the control of the
executive authority of such bodies from the political party or parties
exercising
such control as at the 20
th
June 2002, to any other party
or parties.â
Costs
[119]
The first, third, fourth and fifth
intervening parties who have identified themselves with the applicantâs claim
during the proceedings
before this Court, were not parties to the dispute at
the time of the proceedings in the High Court. They were admitted as parties
at the time of the first hearing before this Court. They opposed the
application for leave to appeal against the interim orders,
and resisted the
appeal. The second intervening party, which identified itself with the
respondentsâ contentions, also joined
the proceedings at the time of the first
hearing before this Court. The respondents have been successful in their
appeal against
the orders made by the High Court and the full bench and in the
first hearing before this Court. That involves the two hearings
in the High
Court and the hearing in this Court on 3 and 4 July 2002. The respondents have
also succeeded in resisting the constitutional
challenge to the two
constitutional amendments and to the Local Government Amendment Act. Although
the applicant and the intervening
parties supporting it have failed in many of
the arguments advanced in support of the challenge to the four Acts, they have
been
successful in their challenge to the Membership Act and thus have
effectively blocked floor-crossing in the national and provincial
spheres of
government.
[120]
It is not practical to attempt to
disaggregate the costs incurred by the different parties in regard to these
various issues. If
regard is had to all aspects of the dispute between the
parties and to their relative success and failure in relation to the issues
raised, it seems to us that it would be equitable in the circumstances to
require each party to pay its own costs.
Order made
[121]
We make the following order:
1.        The
Loss or Retention of Membership of National and Provincial Legislatures Act 22
of 2002, is declared to be inconsistent
with the Constitution and invalid.
2.        Save
as aforesaid, the application is dismissed.
3.        The
period of 15 days referred to in item 7 of Schedule 6A to the Constitution
shall be deemed to be a period of
15 days commencing on 8 October 2002.
4.        The
following provisions of the order of this Court made on 4 July 2002 shall
remain in force until the expiry
of the fifteen-day window period referred to
in paragraph 3 of this order:
 â(a)    anyone
who was a member of the National Assembly, a provincial legislature, or a
municipal council immediately
prior to the order made by the Cape High Court on
20 June 2002 and who has since then or may hereafter cease to be a member of a
party of which he or she was then a member shall not by reason of that fact
cease to be a member of such assembly, legislature or
municipal council, or be
denied any rights and privileges attaching to such membership.
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â anyone
who, subsequent to the order made by the Cape High Court on 20 June 2002, has
been removed from membership
of the National Assembly, a provincial
legislature, or a municipal council by reason directly or indirectly of
anything done by such
person to take advantage of the [floor-crossing
legislation] shall be restored to such membership with all rights and
privileges
attaching thereto, and any person who has replaced such person as a
member of the national assembly, provincial legislature, or municipal
council
shall cease to be a member of such body.
(c)Â Â Â Â Â Â no
resolution shall be taken in the National Assembly, a provincial legislature or
a municipal council that will have
the effect of shifting the control of the
executive authority of such bodies from the political party or parties
exercising such
control as at the 20
th
June 2002, to any other party
or parties.â
5.        Each
party is to pay its own costs.
By the Court: Chaskalson CJ, Langa
DCJ, Ackermann J, Goldstone J, Kriegler J, Madala J, Mokgoro J, Ngcobo J,
OâRegan J, Sachs J,
Yacoob J.
For the Applicant and the First and
Fourth Intervening Parties:
J.C. Heunis SC and M. Osborne
instructed by De Klerk and Van Gend Incorporated, Cape Town.
For the Respondents:
W. Trengove SC, V. Maleka SC, K.D.
Moroka and A. Schippers instructed by the State Attorney, Cape Town.
For the Second Intervening Party:
K. Swain SC and R.J. Seggie
instructed by Von Klemperers, Pietermaritzburg.
For the Third and Fifth Intervening
Parties:
M. Pillemer SC and A. Annandale
instructed by Larson Bruorton & Falconer, Durban.
For the First Amicus Curiae:
A.M. Breitenbach, N. Bawa and D.
Borgstrom instructed by Owen Incorporated, Cape Town.
For
the Second Amicus Curiae:Â Â Â Â Â Â
A. Katz instructed by Kruger,
Slabber, Esterhuyse, Cape Town.
[1]
         Â
In terms of item 23 of Schedule 2 of the interim
Constitution as amended and kept in force by item 6(3) of Schedule 6 of the
Constitution.Â
These provisions are referred to in more detail below paras
41-42.
[2]
         Â
In terms of
sections 27(c)
and (f) of the
Local
Government: Municipal Structures Act 117 of 1998
. The provisions are referred
to in more detail below para 43.
[3]
         Â
Reasons for the interim order are delivered
contemporaneously with this judgment in
United Democratic Movement v the
President of the Republic of South Africa and Others (1)
CCT 23/02.
[4]
         Â
The first, third, fourth and fifth intervening parties
and the two amici curiae all supported the relief sought by the applicant.Â
For
the sake of simplicity, these parties are collectively referred to as âthe
applicantsâ in this judgment. The three respondents
and the second intervening
party, which supported the relief they sought, are collectively referred to as
âthe respondentsâ in
this judgment.
[5]
         Â
Judgment upholding the appeal is delivered
contemporaneously with this judgment in
The President of the Republic of
South Africa and Others v United Democratic Movement
CCT 23/02.
[6]
         Â
Section 74
provides:
â
Bills amending the Constitution
(1)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Section 1 and
this subsection may be amended by a Bill passed byâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â the National
Assembly, with a supporting vote of at least 75 per cent of its members; and
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â the National
Council of Provinces, with a supporting vote of at least six provinces.
(2)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Chapter 2 may
be amended by a Bill passed byâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â the National
Assembly, with a supporting vote of at least two thirds of its members; and
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â the National
Council of Provinces, with a supporting vote of at least six provinces.
(3)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Any other
provision of the Constitution may be amended by a Bill passedâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â by the
National Assembly, with a supporting vote of at least two thirds of its
members; and
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â also by the
National Council of Provinces, with a supporting vote of at least six provinces,
if the amendmentâ
(i)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â relates to a
matter that affects the Council;
(ii)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â alters
provincial boundaries, powers, functions or institutions; or
(iii)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â amends a
provision that deals specifically with a provincial matter.â
Sections
74(4)-(9) set out the special procedures to be followed when amending the
Constitution.
[7]
         Â
[1995] ZACC 10
;
1996 (1) SA 769
(CC);
1995 (12) BCLR 1561
(CC).
[8]
         Â
Id at para 47.
[9]
         Â
Id at para 49.
[10]
       Â
Section 74(1) of the Constitution, n 6 above.
[11]
       Â
Ex Parte Chairperson of the Constitutional Assembly,
In re: Certification of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa
[1996] ZACC 26
; ,
1996
1996 (4) SA 744
(CC);
1996 (10) BCLR 1253
(CC).
[12]
       Â
Ex Parte Chairperson of the Constitutional Assembly,
In re: Certification of the Amended Text of the Constitution of the Republic
of
South Africa
[1996] ZACC 24
; ,
1996
1997
(2) SA 97
(CC);
1997 (1) BCLR 1
(CC).
[13]
       Â
Section 71 of the interim Constitution provided:
â(1)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â A new
constitutional text shallâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â comply with
the Constitutional Principles contained in Schedule 4; and
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â be passed by
the Constitutional Assembly in accordance with this Chapter.
(2)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â The new
constitutional text passed by the Constitutional Assembly, or any provision
thereof, shall not be
of any force and effect unless the Constitutional Court
has certified that all the provisions of such text comply with the
Constitutional
Principles referred to in subsection 1(a).
(3)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â A decision of
the Constitutional Court in terms of subsection (2) certifying that the
provisions of the new
constitutional text comply with the Constitutional
Principles, shall be final and binding, and no court of law shall have
jurisdiction
to enquire into or pronounce upon the validity of such text or any
provision thereof.
.
. . .â
[14]
       Â
Chaskalson et al
Constitutional Law of South Africa
(5
th
Revision Service, Juta, Johannesburg 1999) seem not to deal
with the meaning of the term at all. Neither do Currie and De Waal
The New
Constitutional and Administrative Law vol I
(Juta, Landsdowne 2001) despite
their inclusion of a section on âDemocracyâ at 81-8. Devenish
A Commentary
on the South African bill of rights
(Butterworths, Durban 1999) at 268
merely makes the point that multi-party democracy is guaranteed by section 19
and stresses that
this does not confine activity to formal politics. Rautenbach
and Malherbe
Constitutional Law
(revised 2
nd
ed,
Butterworths, Durban 1997) at 109 point out that in âpursuance of the
commitment to a multi-party system in section 1, political
parties enjoy other
forms of recognition in terms of the Constitution as well.â A more detailed,
but still very limited, discussion
of the term is given by Malherbe âDie
wysiging van die grondwet: die oorspoel-imperatief van artikel 1â 1999 (2)
Tydskrif
vir Suid-Afrikaanse Reg
191 at 203-4. He speaks of the need to facilitate
and protect different parties with different perspectives and refers to the
traumatic
experiences of opposition parties in one-party states.
[15]
       Â
First Certification Judgment
above n 11 at para 182.
[16]
       Â
Id at paras 186-7.
[17]
       Â
Sections 179(1) and (2) of the interim Constitution.
[18]
       Â
Section 245(3) of the interim Constitution.
[19]
       Â
Section 245(3)(b) of the interim Constitution.
[20]
       Â
See also item 11(1) of Schedule 6 which makes it clear
that Annexure A also applies to the elections of provincial legislatures:
âDespite the repeal of the previous
Constitution, Schedule 2 to that Constitution, as amended by Annexure A to this
Schedule, appliesâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â to the first
election of a provincial legislature under the new Constitution;
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â to the loss of
membership of a legislature in circumstances other than those provided for in
section 106
_
(3) of the new Constitution; and
(c)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â to the filling of vacancies
in a legislature, and the supplementation, review and use of party lists for
the
filling of vacancies, until the second election of the legislature under
the new Constitution.â
[21]
       Â
Above n 2. The section reads as follows:
â
Vacation of office
A councillor vacates office during a term
of office if that councillorâ
(a)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â resigns in
writing;
(b)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â is no longer
qualified to be a councillor;
(c)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â was elected
from a party list referred to in Schedule 1 or 2 and ceases to be a member of
the relevant party;
(d)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â contravenes a
provision of the Code of Conduct for Councillors set out in Schedule 1 of the
Local Government: Municipal Systems Act, 2000
, and is removed from office in
terms of the Code;
(e)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â is a
representative of a local council in a district council and ceases to be a
member of the local council
which appointed that councillor to the district
council or is replaced by the local council as its representative in the
district
council; or
(f)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â was elected
to represent a ward and whoâ
(i)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â was nominated
by a party as a candidate in the ward election and ceases to be a member of
that party; or
(ii)Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â was not
nominated by a party as a candidate in the ward election and becomes a member
of a party.â
The
two sections that prohibit floor crossing are therefore
sections 27(c)
and (f)
of the Act. Both are deleted by section 2 of the Local Government Amendment
Act which is challenged in these proceedings.
[22]
       Â
Parteiengesetz 18 cited in Steytler âParliamentary
democracy â the anti-defection clauseâ November 1997
Law, Democracy and
Development
221 at 230.
[23]
       Â
Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association of South
Africa and Another: In re Ex parte President of the Republic of South Africa
and
Others
[2000] ZACC 1
;
2000 (2) SA 674
(CC);
2000 (3) BCLR 241
(CC) at paras 84-5;Â
New National Party of South
Africa v Government of the Republic of South Africa and Others
[1999] ZACC 5
;
1999 (3) SA
191
(CC);
1999 (5) BCLR 489
(CC) at para 24;
Prinsloo v Van der Linde and
Another
[1997] ZACC 5
;
1997 (3) SA 1012
(CC);
1997 (6) BCLR 759
(CC) at para 25.
[24]
       Â
Review of Election Law, Processes and Reform Options
Consultation Paper prepared for the
National Commission to Review the Workings of the Constitution, Centre for
Policy Research, New
Delhi, January 2001 at para 19.
[25]
       Â
This approach is also taken by Professor Steytler
above n 22 at 222-4.
[26]
       Â
Above n 23 at para 90 (foonote omitted).
[27]
       Â
It is not necessary to consider whether or not
legislation in such terms would have been consistent with the Constitution.
[28]
       Â
Section 157(3) of the Constitution.
[29]
       Â
Above para 4.
[30]
       Â
Above n 11 at paras 149-50.
[31]
       Â
Above n 12 at paras 91-5.
[32]
       Â
See above n 20.
[33]
       Â
The terms of item 23A are set out above para 42.
[34]
       Â
Id.
[35]
       Â
For instance, at the time of the certification
proceedings, item 26 of Schedule 6 provided that
âthe provisions of the Local Government Transition
Act, 1993 (Act 209 of 1993) . . . remain in force until 30 April 1999 or until
repealed, whichever is sooner . . .â
[36]
       Â
Item 26 of Schedule 6 to the Constitution.
[37]
       Â
Item 24 of Schedule 6 to the Constitution.
[38]
       Â
Above n 12 at paras 83-7.
[39]
       Â
Id at para 88-95.
[40]
       Â
Shabalala and Others v Attorney‑General of
Transvaal and Another
[1995] ZACC 12
;
1996
(1) SA 725
(CC);
1995 (12) BCLR 1593
(CC) at para 27 citing
Minister of Home
Affairs (Bermuda) v Fisher
1980 AC 319
(PC) and stressing that in South
Africa and in other jurisdictions:
â. . . national constitutions, and Bills of Rights in
particular, are interpreted purposively to avoid the âausterity of tabulated
legalismâ.â
[41]
       Â
[1997] ZACC 6
;
1997 (3) SA 786
(CC);
1997 (7) BCLR 851
(CC) at para
19.
[42]
       Â
National Coalition for Gay and Lesbian Equality and
Others v Minister of Home Affairs and Others
[1999] ZACC 17
;
2000 (2) SA 1
(CC);
2000 (1) BCLR 39
(CC) at para 66.