Minister of Defence v Potsane and Another, Legal Soldier (Pty) Ltd and Others v Minister of Defence and Others (CCT29/01, CCT14/01) [2001] ZACC 12; 2002 (1) SA 1 (CC); 2001 (11) BCLR 1137 (5 October 2001)

80 Reportability
Constitutional Law

Brief Summary

Constitutional Law — Military Justice — Authority of military prosecutors — Constitutional challenge to the Military Discipline Supplementary Measures Act 16 of 1999 — Appellants contending that the Act infringes section 179 of the Constitution, which vests exclusive prosecutorial authority in the National Director of Public Prosecutions — High Court found provisions of the Act unconstitutional for permitting military prosecutions of civilian offences — Constitutional Court upheld the High Court's ruling, affirming that military prosecutors lack constitutional authority to conduct prosecutions in military courts for civilian offences, thereby striking down the relevant provisions of the Act.

Comprehensive Summary

Summary of Judgment


1. Introduction


These proceedings comprised two related constitutional challenges concerning the validity of statutory provisions regulating military prosecutions in South Africa.


In Minister of Defence v Potsane and Another (CCT 14/01), the Minister of Defence appealed against an order of the Free State High Court which had upheld a constitutional challenge to aspects of disciplinary proceedings in a military court and had declared certain provisions of the Military Discipline Supplementary Measures Act 16 of 1999 (the Act) unconstitutional to the extent that they allowed military prosecutions for certain offences. The High Court’s order also stayed part-heard military disciplinary proceedings against Rifleman Andries Diphapang Potsane.


In Legal Soldier (Pty) Ltd and Others v Minister of Defence and Others (CCT 29/01), the applicants (including Legal Soldier (Pty) Ltd, the South African Security Forces Union, and individual soldiers facing military charges) instituted motion proceedings in the High Court in Pretoria. Those proceedings were stayed while the applicants sought direct access to the Constitutional Court to pursue substantially the same constitutional complaint alongside the Potsane appeal. The National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP) participated in Potsane as amicus curiae.


The general subject-matter of the dispute was whether the Constitution—particularly section 179, which establishes the National Prosecuting Authority—permits a distinct military prosecuting authority headed by a Director: Military Prosecutions with power to institute and conduct prosecutions in military courts, and whether the military prosecution regime unlawfully differentiates between soldiers and other accused persons.


2. Material Facts


The material facts were largely common cause and centred on the statutory framework rather than contested evidential issues.


The Act created a reformed military justice system intended to align military discipline and adjudication with constitutional requirements. As part of this structure, it established a military prosecuting authority. The impugned provisions included sections 13(1)(b) and 14(1)(a) (providing for the assignment of a legally qualified officer as Director: Military Prosecutions by the Minister), and section 22 (vesting the military prosecuting authority, on behalf of the State, with power to institute, conduct, and discontinue prosecutions in military courts, and authorising the Director: Military Prosecutions—subject to specified approvals and consultations—to determine prosecution policy and issue policy directives within the military prosecution process).


In Potsane, the High Court had held that these provisions conflicted with the Constitution to the extent that they permitted military prosecutions for civilian offences committed by soldiers in South Africa. It consequently declared the relevant provisions invalid (to that extent) and stayed military proceedings that were then part-heard against Rifleman Potsane. The Constitutional Court noted, as a contextual feature, that the charges against Potsane were described as peculiarly military offences (including disobeying a lawful command, insubordination, and conduct prejudicial to military discipline), although it treated this as an anomaly in the High Court’s approach rather than as a determinant of the constitutional question before it.


In Legal Soldier, the individual applicants were soldiers who had encountered the military justice system on allegations spanning both military offences and ordinary common-law crimes, and the broader attack was directed at the constitutional permissibility of military prosecutions not controlled by the NDPP. The applicants sought direct access to pursue the constitutional issue directly in the Constitutional Court, after learning that the same issue would be argued in Potsane.


No material disputes of fact were decisive; the Court’s decision turned on the interpretation of constitutional and statutory provisions, informed by context and the operational realities of military discipline and justice.


3. Legal Issues


The central legal question was whether the Act’s provisions conferring authority on military prosecutors to institute and conduct prosecutions in military courts were inconsistent with section 179 of the Constitution, on the basis that section 179 allegedly vests exclusive prosecutorial authority in the NDPP and the National Prosecuting Authority.


A connected interpretive question was whether the phrase in section 179(1)—that there is a “single national prosecuting authority”—means that only one prosecuting authority may exist in the Republic (so that military prosecutors must act under the authority and policy control of the NDPP), or whether it denotes the consolidation of civilian prosecutorial services under a unified national structure without extinguishing the possibility of other specialised prosecutorial regimes.


A secondary issue, raised only peripherally in Potsane and not pursued by the Legal Soldier applicants, was whether the impugned provisions unjustifiably infringed the right to equality in section 9 of the Constitution by creating a prosecutorial regime applicable to soldiers different from that applicable to other persons.


The Legal Soldier matter additionally required determination of whether direct access should be granted under rule 17 of the Constitutional Court Rules, a question treated as closely linked to the prospects of success on the merits.


Overall, the dispute concerned questions of law, specifically constitutional interpretation, and the application of constitutional norms to a statutory scheme, rather than the resolution of factual disputes.


4. Court’s Reasoning


The Court approached the dispute primarily as one of constitutional interpretation. It identified that the High Court in Potsane had adopted what it characterised as a literal reading of section 179(1), treating “single” as equivalent to “exclusive” and concluding that any parallel military prosecuting authority would be constitutionally impermissible. The Constitutional Court rejected that construction.


In interpreting section 179, the Court placed weight on historical context, notably the pre-constitutional prosecutorial landscape characterised by multiple attorneys-general across different jurisdictions during apartheid-era fragmentation. It accepted the Minister’s and NDPP’s contention that section 179 was directed at creating a unified national prosecuting authority by consolidating and structuring the formerly dispersed civilian prosecutorial system, rather than abolishing all other forms of prosecutorial authority. The Court considered that “single” in section 179(1) was intended to convey singularity as opposed to multiplicity, rather than exclusivity in the sense that no other prosecutorial mechanisms could exist.


The Court found support for this reading in the Constitution’s text and structure. It observed that where the Constitution intends to confer exclusive authority, it uses clearer formulations, and it referred to provisions such as section 199(2), which states explicitly that the defence force is the only lawful military force. It contrasted this with the language of section 179, which speaks of a “single national prosecuting authority” and is framed around structuring the national authority rather than expressly abolishing all other prosecutorial forms. The Court also considered the use of the qualifier “national” significant: it indicated that section 179 concerns the national prosecuting authority with general, nation-wide competence, and does not necessarily extend to other prosecutorial arrangements such as municipal prosecutions, private prosecutions, or prosecutions within disciplinary frameworks.


The Court further noted that section 179 does not refer expressly to military prosecutions, and it considered it improbable that a radical constitutional alteration to the long-standing system of military discipline and prosecution would be achieved indirectly and without express reference, particularly given that the Constitution contains a dedicated chapter regulating the security services. The Court found that Chapter 11 provides explicit safeguards for civilian control and oversight of the defence force through the national executive and Parliament, reducing the plausibility of reading section 179 as an implied mechanism for civilian control of military prosecutions.


Operational considerations were treated as important to understanding why the Constitution would not be interpreted to impose NDPP control over the military prosecutorial function. The Court emphasised the distinct public objectives served by civilian prosecutions (the enforcement of criminal law in society) and military discipline (the maintenance of an effective and disciplined defence force capable of fulfilling its constitutional functions). It reasoned that decisions about investigating and prosecuting soldiers often require sensitivity to military policy considerations, unit relationships, morale, command structures, and the practical needs of discipline. The Court viewed NDPP control, particularly by officials external to military command structures, as potentially unworkable and disruptive to military lines of authority.


The Court also considered the argument that concurrent jurisdiction could cause conflict between civilian and military prosecuting authorities. It accepted information placed before it (including by the NDPP’s representative) that cooperation and liaison between the systems had historically existed, and it noted that the constitutional principles of co-operative government would reinforce the obligation of state organs to coordinate rather than compete. The existence of concurrent jurisdiction was not treated as demonstrating constitutional invalidity.


The Court addressed an anomaly raised in argument concerning extra-territorial military discipline. It accepted that military jurisdiction may extend to the conduct of soldiers abroad, whereas section 179 is framed in terms of a national prosecuting authority “in the Republic”. It treated the need for a mechanism capable of dealing with offences committed by soldiers outside South Africa as further indication that section 179 could not sensibly be read as an absolute bar to a military prosecution authority.


On the equality issue, the Court held that the High Court’s conclusion of unconstitutionality on equality grounds was intertwined with its (rejected) interpretation of section 179. Applying the approach to unfair discrimination articulated in Harksen v Lane NO and Others, the Court held that the Act differentiates between soldiers and non-soldiers in a manner rationally connected to the legitimate governmental purpose of maintaining a disciplined military force through a viable military justice system. The differentiation was not on a specified prohibited ground, applied equally to all SANDF members as such, and was not shown to impair dignity or have a comparable adverse impact. The Court further noted that it had not been suggested that it is unfair to subject those who voluntarily join a disciplined defence force to its disciplinary and enforcement machinery. It therefore concluded that the differentiation did not amount to unfair discrimination under section 9.


Because the Potsane High Court order rested on an incorrect interpretation of section 179 (and because the equality ground could not sustain invalidity on the facts and argument presented), the appeal had to succeed. For the same underlying reason, the Legal Soldier application for direct access lacked prospects of success and was refused.


5. Outcome and Relief


The Constitutional Court upheld the Minister’s appeal in Potsane, set aside the Free State High Court’s order of constitutional invalidity, and substituted an order dismissing the application. It authorised the military judge at Tempe, Bloemfontein to resume the part-heard disciplinary proceedings against Rifleman Potsane.


In Legal Soldier, the Court refused the application for direct access brought in terms of rule 17 of the Constitutional Court Rules.


On costs, the Court made no order as to costs in the Constitutional Court. It also set aside the High Court’s costs order against the Minister in Potsane, but, in light of the Minister’s stance, likewise made no order as to costs in the High Court.


Cases Cited


Freedom of Expression Institute and Others v President, Ordinary Court Martial, and Others 1999 (2) SA 471 (C); 1999 (3) BCLR 261 (C).


South African National Defence Union v Minister of Defence and Another [1999] ZACC 7; 1999 (4) SA 469 (CC); 1999 (6) BCLR 615 (CC).


R v Généreux (1992) 88 DLR (4th) 110 (SCC).


King v Sekoati and Others 2000 (12) BCLR 1373 (LesCm).


Mackay v R [1978] 1 F.C. 233.


De Lange v Smuts NO and Others [1998] ZACC 6; 1998 (3) SA 785 (CC); 1998 (7) BCLR 779 (CC).


S v Ntuli [1995] ZACC 14; 1996 (1) SA 1207 (CC); 1996 (1) BCLR 141 (CC).


Harksen v Lane NO and Others [1997] ZACC 12; 1998 (1) SA 300 (CC); 1997 (11) BCLR 1489 (CC).


Legislation Cited


Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (sections 1, 9, 35(3)(c), 44, 85, 165, 167(6)(a), 172(2)(d), 179, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204).


Military Discipline Supplementary Measures Act 16 of 1999 (sections 2, 4(1), 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 22).


Defence Act 44 of 1957 (including reference to the First Schedule, the Military Discipline Code, and section 105(2)).


National Prosecuting Authority Act 32 of 1998.


Attorney-General Act 92 of 1992.


Criminal Procedure Act 51 of 1977 (including sections 7 and 8).


Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Act 200 of 1993 (Interim Constitution) (section 108; transitional provisions referred to in the judgment).


Rules of Court Cited


Rule 17 of the Rules of the Constitutional Court.


Held


Section 179 of the Constitution, properly interpreted in its historical and textual context, was held not to confer exclusive prosecutorial authority on the NDPP in a manner that renders a specialised military prosecuting authority constitutionally impermissible. The impugned provisions of the Military Discipline Supplementary Measures Act 16 of 1999 authorising military prosecutors to institute and conduct prosecutions in military courts were therefore not inconsistent with section 179.


The differentiation inherent in subjecting SANDF members to a military prosecutorial regime was held to be rationally connected to the legitimate purpose of maintaining military discipline and did not constitute unfair discrimination under section 9 of the Constitution on the analysis applied.


Accordingly, the Minister’s appeal succeeded, the High Court’s declaration of invalidity and consequential orders were set aside, and the direct access application in Legal Soldier was refused for want of prospects of success.


LEGAL PRINCIPLES


Constitutional provisions must be interpreted contextually and purposively, including with due regard to historical context and the Constitution’s broader structure, rather than through an exclusively literal reading of isolated words.


The phrase “single national prosecuting authority” in section 179(1) was applied as denoting the consolidation of the national (civilian) prosecutorial system into a unified structure, and not as a statement that the NDPP holds an exclusive monopoly over all forms of prosecution in every setting, including specialised disciplinary systems.


Where the Constitution intends exclusivity, it may do so through explicit language; the absence of such language in section 179, together with the Constitution’s express regulation of the security services and mechanisms of civilian oversight, was treated as significant in construing the limits of section 179.


In assessing an equality challenge under section 9, differentiation connected to a legitimate government purpose and not shown to impair dignity or to amount to unfair discrimination will not be invalidated; the Court applied the established approach articulated in Harksen v Lane NO and Others to conclude that the military prosecution regime did not constitute unfair discrimination against soldiers.

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Minister of Defence v Potsane and Another, Legal Soldier (Pty) Ltd and Others v Minister of Defence and Others (CCT29/01, CCT14/01) [2001] ZACC 12; 2002 (1) SA 1 (CC); 2001 (11) BCLR 1137 (CC); 2001 (2) SACR 632 (CC) (5 October 2001)

Links to summary

CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA
                                                                                                                        Â
Case
CCT 14/01
MINISTER OF
DEFENCE                                                                                        Â
Appellant
versus
ANDRIES DIPHAPANG
POTSANE                                                                   Â
Respondent
NATIONAL DIRECTOR
OF PUBLIC PROSECUTIONS                              Amicus Curiae
                                                                                                                        Â
Case
CCT 29/01
LEGAL SOLDIER
(PTY) LTD                                                                        Â
First
Applicant
SOUTH AFRICAN
SECURITY FORCES UNION                                      Second Applicant
MOSUWA SAMUAL
HLONGWANE                                                          Â
Third
Applicant
NORMAN YENGENI                                                                                   Â
Fourth
Applicant
LINDIWE WELCOME
MATI                                                                         Â
Fifth
Applicant
JOHANNES SOMENDI
MAHLANGU                                                         Â
Sixth
Applicant
versus
MINISTER OF
DEFENCE                                                                           Â
First
Respondent
CHIEF: S A
NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE                                          Second
Respondent
DIRECTOR: MILITARY
PROSECUTIONS                                               Third
Respondent
MINISTER OF
JUSTICE & CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT       Â
Fourth Respondent
NATIONAL DIRECTOR
OF PUBLIC PROSECUTIONS                          Fifth Respondent
Heard on         :           23
August 2001
Decided on     :           5
October 2001
JUDGMENT
KRIEGLER J:
[1]
       The first case (
Potsane
)
is an appeal by the Minister of Defence (the Minister) against a judgment and
order in the Free State High Court upholding a constitutional
challenge to an
aspect of disciplinary proceedings in a military court.
1
  The other case (
Legal
Soldier
), presenting a similar challenge, started in the High Court in
Pretoria by way of motion proceedings.  These were then stayed to
allow an
application to this Court for direct access to pursue the constitutional
complaint here.
2
  Although there are differences between the two cases, there
is an underlying constitutional point common to both and for this reason
they
were argued together in this Court.
[2]
       The common constitutional
point is whether the provisions of the Military Discipline Supplementary
Measures Act 16 of
1999 (the Act) conferring authority on military prosecutors
to institute and conduct prosecutions in military courts are to be
struck down for their inconsistency with the provisions of
section 179 of the Constitution (section 179).  This section creates the
office
of the National Director of Public Prosecutions (the NDPP) and governs its
powers and functions.  The respondent in
Potsane
and the applicants in
Legal
Soldier
(collectively referred to as “the soldiers”)  contend that section
179 invests the NDPP with exclusive prosecutorial authority,
which is infringed
by the competing authority conferred on military prosecutors by the Act.Â
According to the argument, prosecutions
in military courts should be conducted
by or under the authority of the NDPP.  The learned judge in
Potsane
encapsulated
the point thus:
“The applicant’s
case is that the wrong agency is prosecuting him.  He claims that the director
of military prosecutions has
no constitutional authority to prosecute him.”
[3]
       There is a second
point.  It is whether the provisions of the Act that are impugned for
inconsistency with section 179
are not also to be struck down by reason of
their unjustifiable infringement of the equality rights guaranteed by section 9
of the
Constitution.  This point is not raised on behalf of the applicants in
Legal
Soldier
and was only peripherally considered by the High Court in
Potsane
as an additional ground for invalidating the impugned provisions.  It
presents its own discrete questions and can best be addressed
after considering
the primary question relating to section 179.
[4]
       The narrow focus of
both of these points should be noted.  It is not the principle of a separate
military justice system
with jurisdiction to try soldiers and punish them (for
both military and civilian transgressions) that is being questioned; nor is
it
the hierarchical structure of military courts and appellate tribunals created
by the Act.  The soldiers do not contend that it
is constitutionally
impermissible to establish such military courts.  It should therefore be
remembered that the constitutional
challenge here is directed at only one
component of the military justice system, namely the prosecuting branch.Â
Indeed, counsel
for
Legal Soldier
accepted in argument that there could
be a separate structure to deal with military prosecutions and having the power
to prosecute
offences both inside and outside South Africa.  The only issue was
whether this structure should be answerable to and follow the
directives of the
NDPP or those of the director: military prosecutions.  Even within that restricted
context the enquiry is limited.Â
It is whether the sections of the Act
conferring prosecuting authority on the military prosecution system are
constitutionally offensive
because they (a) trespass on the jurisdictional
terrain of the NDPP and (b) unjustifiably deny soldiers their equality rights
guaranteed
under section 9 of the Constitution.
[5]
       In
Potsane
the High Court found that sections 13(1)(b), 14(1)(a) and 22 of the Act
conflicted with the Constitution to the extent that they
permitted military
prosecutions for civilian offences committed by soldiers in South Africa.  The
court accordingly struck down
these provisions and stayed a part-heard military
prosecution against Rifleman Potsane on disciplinary charges.
3
  These sections in
essence establish the military prosecuting authority, provide that it be headed
by a director: military prosecutions
and vest the latter with the power to
institute, conduct and discontinue military prosecutions on behalf of the state
and to determine
and direct prosecution policy.  To the extent here relevant
they read as follows:
“
13.   Assignment
of functions.
— (1)  Only an appropriately qualified officer holding a
degree in law and of a rank not below that of colonel or its equivalent,
with
not less than five years appropriate experience as a practising advocate or
attorney of the High Court of South Africa, or five
years experience in the
administration of criminal justice or military justice, may be assigned to the
function of —
(a)        .
. .
(b)        Director:
Military Prosecutions.
 . . . .
14.   Minister’s
powers in respect of assignment.
— (1)  The Minister shall assign officers to the
functions —
(a)        at
the level of Director referred to in section 13 (1).
 . . . .
22.   Functions,
direction and control of military prosecution authority.
— (1)  Prosecutions in
any military court shall be conducted, and the prosecuting authority shall be
exercised, on behalf of the
State.
 . . . .
(3)  The
Director: Military Prosecutions —
(a)        shall
institute and conduct prosecutions on behalf of the State;
(b)        shall carry out all necessary functions incidental to
instituting and conducting prosecutions, including the determination
of whether
or not investigations are complete; and
(c)        may
discontinue prosecutions.
 . . . .
(6)  The
Director: Military Prosecutions shall, subject to the approval of the Chief of
the South African National Defence Force
and after consultation with the
Secretary of Defence, determine prosecution policy and issue policy directives
which shall be observed
in the prosecution process, and shall exercise the
powers and perform the duties in respect of prosecution policy that may be
determined
in this Act or any other law.”
[6]
       On appeal in this
Court, the Minister supported by the NDPP as
amicus
curiae
,
contended for the constitutional validity of the Act and disputed the findings
in the High Court.
[7]
     Â
Legal Soldier
started
in the High Court as a challenge to the constitutionality of
all
military prosecutions under the Act.  The third to sixth applicants are
soldiers who have come up against the military justice system
on charges of
both military offences and ordinary common law crimes.  They are policyholders
of the first applicant, a short term
insurance broker brokering legal
assistance to members of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), and
members of the second
applicant, a trade union.  While the case was still
pending the applicants became aware that substantially the same constitutional
challenge was due to be argued before this Court in
Potsane
.  They
therefore decided to apply for direct access so that the two matters could be
heard simultaneously.  Although the application
was brought late, the
applicants were granted leave to file their papers; the Minister responded and
a consolidated hearing was held.Â
The question of direct access being bound up
with the prospects of success on the substantive constitutional challenge, the
argument
in
Legal Soldier
concentrated on the merits of the case.
[8]
       This procedure was
both convenient to the parties and helpful to the Court.  The circumstance that
the two cases reached
this Court along materially different lines was of no
consequence; nor was the fact that the order in
Potsane
related
specifically to civilian offences whereas
Legal Soldier
concerned both
civilian and military offences. On the contrary, as the cases turn on the same
underlying constitutional point the
additional argument presented on behalf of
the applicants in
Legal Soldier
added significantly to the debate.
[9]
       As for the
intervention by the NDPP as an
amicus
, the argument presented on his
behalf was helpful, not only for adding to the debate but for contributing a
different perspective.Â
This was particularly important.  The basic contention
on the part of the soldiers in both cases was that the Act, in breach of
the
Constitution, purported to authorise military prosecutors to trespass on the
exclusive domain of the NDPP. Although the contention
was one of constitutional
law on which this Court would have to arrive at its own conclusion, it was
valuable to hear from the NDPP
what the attitude of that office was – the more
so as oral argument in support of the submissions on behalf of the NDPP was
presented
by his national deputy, Dr D’Oliviera, who has extensive managerial
experience in the country’s civilian prosecution establishment.
[10]
     The Act, containing
not only the statutory authority for the impugned powers of military
prosecutors but a whole new system
of military justice, was enacted in order to
harmonise the country’s military justice system with the new culture of
constitutionalism.Â
While it was being drafted, a full bench of the Cape High
Court
4
struck down key
provisions of the previous system of military justice.
5
  Foundational to the
judgment was that courts martial lacked the essential attributes of
independence and legal training necessary
for them to pass muster as “ordinary
courts” for the purposes of a fair trial as required by section 35(3)(c) of the
Constitution.
6
  Mindful of these strictures, the drafters of the Act made a
clean break with the past, establishing a radically different military
court
system “to provide for the continued proper administration of military justice
and the maintenance of discipline”.
7
  The emphasis shifted sharply from
an essentially military system with forensic trappings to a system far closer
to the ordinary
criminal justice process.  Whereas previously the judicial and
prosecutorial roles in military prosecutions and reviews had been
fulfilled by
military officers, without their necessarily having any legal training and
acting as soldiers within their lines of
command, the Act introduced an
hierarchical system of courts staffed by legally trained military officers and,
at the higher levels,
presided over and even wholly staffed by fully fledged
high court judges.
[11]
     Although the
statutory provisions currently subjected to constitutional challenge are those
introduced by the Act, the challenge
assails not only its particular provisions
but would strike at any statutory enactment that vested prosecuting authority
in military
prosecutors.  Such authority already existed under the previous
system.  It was therefore not the shift in emphasis heralded by
the Act that
gave rise to the objection but the very existence of a system whereby cases in
military courts are conducted by prosecutors
that are not under the control of
the NDPP.  Technically, however, the challenge is correctly couched as
targeting the enabling
sections of the Act.
8
[12]
     The source of the
challenge is the bland statement with which section 179(1) opens:
“There is a
single national prosecuting authority in the Republic . . . consisting of . . .
[the NDPP]”.
The learned judge in the
Free State High Court subjected these words to careful analysis, identifying
and then dissecting a range
of possible meanings semantically, contextually and
teleologically.  He ultimately concluded that the correct construction to put
on the words used was a straight-forward one.  Moreover, on that plain reading
the conclusion was really ineluctable.  This was
the core of the learned judge’s
reasoning.  The words “There is” are in the imperative voice, i.e. they command
that “there
shall (or must) be”; and “single” means “sole” or “one and only”.Â
Thus the subsection demands no more and no less
than that there be one and only
one prosecuting authority in the land namely the NDPP.  In establishing a
military prosecution structure
empowered to prosecute independently of the
NDPP, the impugned provisions of the Act are therefore in conflict with these
opening
words of section 179(1).  What they purport to authorise, the
Constitution expressly forbids.
[13]
     This line of
reasoning is essentially echoed in the arguments on behalf of the soldiers in
both cases, although the specific
sections of the Act targeted by counsel in
Legal Soldier
include some not struck down by the learned judge in
Potsane
.
9
  Nothing turns on this
difference however.  The basic contention remains that on a plain reading  of
section 179(1), the very
system of a separate military prosecuting authority is
constitutionally unacceptable.  Consequently Parliament, in passing the
offending
statutory provisions creating a military prosecuting authority
functioning parallel to but separate from and independent of the NDPP,
exceeded
the limits imposed on its legislative powers by the Constitution.  Moreover,
section 4(1) of the Act, which provides that
in the case of a conflict between
the Act and the provisions of any other law the Act prevails, means that policy
decisions of the
director: military prosecutions purportedly trump the
exclusive authority afforded the NDPP by section 179(1).  This, so the argument
runs, is clearly impermissible.
[14]
     The argument on
behalf of the soldiers then looks at the rest of section 179 and its role
within the framework of the Constitution
as a whole.  The section reads as
follows:
“
179.    Prosecuting
authority.
— (1) There is a single national prosecuting authority in the
Republic, structured in terms of an Act of Parliament, and consisting
of —
(a)        a National Director of Public Prosecutions, who is the head of
the prosecuting authority, and is appointed by the
President, as head of the
national executive; and
(b)        Directors of Public Prosecutions and prosecutors as determined
by an Act of Parliament.
(2) The
prosecuting authority has the power to institute criminal proceedings on behalf
of the state, and to carry out any necessary
functions incidental to
instituting criminal proceedings.
(3) National
legislation must ensure that the Directors of Public Prosecutions —
(a)        are
appropriately qualified; and
(b)        are responsible for prosecutions in specific jurisdictions,
subject to subsection (5).
(4) National
legislation must ensure that the prosecuting authority exercises its functions
without fear, favour or prejudice.
(5) The
National Director of Public Prosecutions —
(a)        must determine, with the concurrence of the Cabinet member
responsible for the administration of justice, and after
consulting the
Directors of Public Prosecutions, prosecution policy, which must be observed in
the prosecution process;
(b)        must
issue policy directives which must be observed in the prosecution process;
(c)        may intervene in the prosecution process when policy
directives are not complied with; and
(d)        may review a decision to prosecute or not to prosecute, after
consulting the relevant Director of Public Prosecutions
and after taking
representations within a period specified by the National Director of Public
Prosecutions, from the following:
(i)         The
accused person.
(ii)        The
complainant.
(iii)       Any other person or party whom the National Director
considers to be relevant.
(6) The
Cabinet member responsible for the administration of justice must exercise
final responsibility over the prosecuting authority.
(7) All other
matters concerning the prosecuting authority must be determined by national
legislation.”
[15]
     Counsel for the
soldiers submit that the very inclusion of this section in the Constitution is
significant; it ensures that
at the head of the country’s prosecuting authority
there is a single, non-partisan presidential appointee with the power to
institute
prosecutions on behalf of the State and responsible for formulating
prosecution policy.  Therefore it is unthinkable that there
can be another,
entirely independent organ of state with authority to formulate policy and
institute prosecutions on behalf of the
State, even if only in the context of
military courts.  The consequence is that there are two separate prosecuting
authorities with
overlapping and possibly conflicting jurisdictions in respect
of offences committed by soldiers.  Members of the SANDF can be tried
in the
civilian courts for both common law crimes and for military offences.
1
0
  They can also be tried
in military courts for military offences and for most common law crimes.
1
1
  Consequently there is a
possibility that the civilian and military prosecuting authorities may vie for
precedence in prosecuting
the same suspect for the same crime.  This, so the
Free State High Court held and counsel for the respondent in
Potsane
argued
in this Court, was a significant pointer to the conclusion that the impugned
provisions were inconsistent with section 179.
[16]
     Also, counsel pointed
out, there was a clear conflict between section 179(5) of the Constitution and
section 22(6) of the
Act, the one vesting the NDPP with the power to formulate
prosecution policy and the other vesting such authority in the director:
military prosecutions.  Moreover, when exercising this power the NDPP had to
consult the Minister of Justice while his military
opposite number had to
consult the Chief of the SANDF and the Secretary of Defence.  Once again, so it
was submitted, the anomaly
showed that there could not validly be an authority
such as contemplated by the impugned sections.
[17]
     The Minister and the
NDPP, for their part, also contend for a plain — but entirely different —
construction of the opening
sentence of section 179(1).  According to their
interpretation of section 179 — as a whole and the vexed opening sentence in
particular
— it has nothing to do with the establishment of a separate
prosecuting authority for military courts.  They, too, found their
argument on
a plain reading of the opening sentence that “[t]here is a single national
prosecuting authority in the Republic .
. .”. According to their
interpretation, however, the sentence should be understood in its broader
historical and textual context.Â
They submit that the purpose of including
section 179 in the Constitution and the meaning of the opening sentence must be
seen against
the historical backdrop of the large number of attorneys-general
serving in the country in the apartheid era of balkanisation.Â
On their
reading, section 179 was intended to cut down the number of existing
attorneys-general, to bring order and direction to
the national prosecutorial
authority in a structured professional hierarchy.  It does not regulate the
exercise of other prosecutorial
functions outside that authority.  “Single” is
therefore to be contrasted with the multitude of attorneys-general existing
when
the Constitution came into force.  Attention was drawn to a number of
analogous expressions of a desire to bring together under
a single umbrella
several organs of state that had been in existence under the previous regime,
for instance for “a single Public
Service Commission”,
1
2
“a single defence force”
and “a single police service”.
1
3
  Seen in the context of these parallel provisions
with the same unifying intention, the meaning of section 179 is, they submit,
clear.  Whereas before there were many prosecuting authorities for diverse
jurisdictions, now there will be one.
[18]
     The point of
departure of the argument on behalf of the Minister and the
amicus
is
the regime under the Attorney-General Act
1
4
which was introduced in 1992 to
replace sections 3 and 4 of the Criminal Procedure Act.
1
5
  This Act and the
criminal codes that previously governed the role, function and powers of
attorneys-general, provided for an attorney-general
for each of the then
provincial divisions of the Supreme Court in “white” South Africa
1
6
while each of the
“independent” or “self-governing” territories also had an attorney-general.  In
terms of section 5 of
this Act attorneys-general conducted prosecutions in the
name of the State in their respective jurisdictions.  They enjoyed substantial
independence, though they were accountable to the Minister of Justice who
annually tabled their reports in Parliament.
1
7
  It is evident that the drafters of
section 179 had the Attorney-General Act before them.  Several of its
provisions are echoed
and the basic structure is mirrored.
[19]
     The most important
change brought about by section 179 — and one crucial to the argument for the
Minister — is that a
single national prosecuting post was created. Previously
there was a direct link between the Minister of Justice and the various
attorneys-general, whose activities such Minister coordinated and to whom they
reported.  What section 179 did was to slot the NDPP
in between the political
head of the Department of Justice and the officers at the head of the
provincial prosecutorial divisions.Â
The effect of the change was to gather the
strands of the country’s prosecutorial services in the hands of one
non-political chief
executive officer directly appointed by the President. This
change, so it is argued, is what the opening words of section 179(1)
describe.
[20]
     The argument on
behalf of the Minister also relies on the use of the word “national”.  It does
so in two ways.  First
it is pointed out that this word tends to support the
construction that the intention was to do away with the multitude of “national”
heads existing in the various “independent” and “self-governing” territories.Â
There is only one nation now, as proclaimed
in the opening words of section 1
of the Constitution,
1
8
and there is a single head of its prosecuting
authority.  In the second place the argument is that the use of the word
“national”
recognises and preserves the pre-constitutional arrangement whereby
there could be private prosecutions and prosecutions by municipalities
and
other organs of state under special statutory authority.
1
9
  Therefore, in
contradistinction to these other specially authorised prosecutors, the words
“national prosecuting authority”
denote this authority empowered to prosecute
generally and nation-wide in the name of the State.
[21]
     The Minister and the
amicus
also draw attention to the demand of section 200(1) of the Constitution that —
“[t]he defence
force must be structured and managed as a disciplined military force.”
This, they say, inevitably
contemplates the existence of a military discipline code and a mechanism for
enforcing its prescripts —
without these a disciplined military force is
unattainable.  And a mechanism for enforcing a military code of conduct
necessarily
entails a prosecutorial component.  Counsel for the soldiers
counter that this argument misses the point.  Their objection is not
to
military discipline, its enforcement or a prosecutorial enforcement arm.  What
they object to and see as in conflict with section
179 is the circumstance that
the authority controlling the prosecutorial arm is someone other than the sole
wielder of such power
designated by section 179.  They emphasise that it does
not follow that because the Constitution requires defaulting soldiers to
be
prosecuted, there is any justification for creating a competitor for the NDPP.Â
The requirement that the SANDF be a disciplined
force does not necessarily
imply that there should be a separate military prosecuting authority apart from
and independent of the
NDPP.  Such discipline can be effectively maintained
even if the NDPP exercises control of the military prosecuting authority.
[22]
     The argument on
behalf of the Minister goes further, however, identifying as “the principal
weakness in the judgment of
the court
a quo
”, a perceived resort to
literal interpretation and a failure to read sections 179 and 200 of the
Constitution cumulatively and
purposively.  Counsel mounted a forceful argument
that the SANDF could not fulfil its constitutional obligations without the
requisite
capacity, competence, discipline and professionalism.  These
qualities, in turn, demand that military commanders at all times have
ready
access to services for the investigation and prosecution of crimes and MDC
transgressions by soldiers.  Such an effective
service necessarily entails
expedition both in deciding questions of policy and in implementing them.Â
Priorities have to be chosen,
consistency has to be maintained and speed is
often essential.
[23]
     Counsel for the
Minister also underlined that military justice is concerned not so much with
the prosecution of crime but
with the maintenance of discipline.  For that
reason alone it was essential to read section 179 together with section 200 so
as
not to undermine the capacity of the SANDF, through its military discipline
system, to perform its primary constitutional obligation,
which is expressed as
follows in section 200(2) of the Constitution:
“The primary
object of the defence force is to defend and protect the Republic, its
territorial integrity and its people in accordance
with the Constitution and
the principles of international law regulating the use of force.”
Relying on dicta of this
Court in
South African National Defence Union v Minister of Defence and
Another
2
0
regarding the unique
nature of military service and on more expansive remarks on the topic in
R v
Généreux
,
2
1
King v Sekoati and
Others
2
2
and in
Mackay v R
2
3
, counsel stressed the great importance, not only for
the SANDF but more pertinently for the country, that the system of military
justice be permitted to function optimally.  The conditions in which the SANDF
must operate in times of war — and in which its
soldiers must therefore be
trained in peacetime — are such that quick and efficient investigation of
infractions must be possible,
as well as prompt decisions on and institution of
prosecutions.  Because of these exigencies a proper reading of section 179 in
the light of section 200 of the Constitution contemplates a specialised
military prosecution service.
[24]
     In similar vein
counsel for the Minister point to the anomalous situation regarding
extra-territorial military offences that
is inherent in the interpretation
placed on section 179 by the judge in
Potsane
and supported on behalf of
the soldiers in this Court.  In terms of section 179(1) the authority of the
NDPP is confined to the borders
of the Republic.  Extra-territoriality is,
however, essential to the functioning of military discipline, the jurisdiction
of the
SANDF over its members extending to wherever in the world they may be
serving.  It follows that there would have to be some agency
clothed with the
requisite authority to investigate alleged offences by South African soldiers
abroad and to prosecute them if it
deems it appropriate.  This could not be the
NDPP, whose powers extend only to the borders of the country.
2
4
  Once there has to be
recognition of the need for a military prosecuting authority to deal with such
cases, it makes little sense
to argue that section 179 is an absolute bar to
the existence of such authority.
[25]
     With regard to the
possibility of conflict between the civilian and military prosecuting
authorities by reason of their concurrent
jurisdiction over offences committed
by soldiers within the country, there is no direct answer to be found in the
Constitution or
the Act.  But this potential has not arisen because of the
adoption of either.  It has existed for as long as there was this co-extensive
jurisdiction, i.e. at least since the coming into operation of the current
Defence Act and Criminal Procedure Act.  Dr D’Oliveira
informed the Court that
there has to his knowledge always been liaison and cooperation between the
civilian and military police services
and the respective prosecuting agencies.Â
Depending on the nature and circumstances of the case, the one defers to the
other.Â
Since the advent of the Constitution this would not only be sensible
administrative cooperation between kindred government agencies,
but would be an
obligation by reason of the principles of cooperative government demanded by
chapter 3 of the Constitution.  The
history of cooperation is hardly
surprising.  The interests of the two sides would at all times largely
correspond notwithstanding
that the one exists to combat and prosecute crime
while the other aims primarily at maintaining military discipline.  The
commission
of a crime by a soldier inherently involves both elements, as is
recognised by section 105(2) of the Defence Act, which enjoins a
civilian court
when considering sentence for an offence under that Act or the MDC to “take
cognizance of the gravity of the offence
in relation to its military bearing .
. .”.
[26]
     Although the matter
is by no means free from difficulty, I ultimately have little doubt that there
is no inconsistency between
the impugned provisions and section 179.  I
subscribe to the basic contention on behalf of the Minister that section 179,
when speaking
of a “single” authority, does not intend to say “exclusive” or
“only” but means to denote the singular, “one”.Â
Where there used to be many,
there will now be a single authority.  That is consistent with the historical
context as well as with
the corresponding provisions of the Constitution where
the diffused powers of state under the previous dispensation were to be brought
under one single umbrella.
[27]
     It is also
instructive to see how the interim Constitution
2
5
dealt with the topic of  prosecutions.Â
Section 108 of the interim Constitution retained the existing system of
attorneys-general,
each with an area of jurisdiction prescribed by national
legislation and continuing to function in terms of the transitional
arrangements
in sections 235(1)(c) and 236(1) and (2).  The interim
Constitution made no specific reference to military prosecutions and counsel
for the soldiers accepted that the Act would not have been inconsistent with
the interim Constitution.  Against that background
the question is whether the
purpose of section 179 was limited to changing the constitutional order to
consolidate the multiplicity
of civilian prosecuting authorities under a single
national authority, or whether it had the additional purpose of changing the system
of military justice by subjecting military prosecutions to the authority of the
new national head of civilian prosecutions.
[28]
     There are two
provisions of the Constitution itself which render the former interpretation
substantially more attractive
than the latter.  In the first place, where the
Constitution contemplated that a “single” national institution would be the
only lawful institution with authority in its particular field, it said so,
e.g. section 199(2) which provides that the SANDF is
the only lawful military
force in the Republic.  Secondly, the language used by the Constitution where
exclusive authority is vested
in a particular institution is different to the
language used in section 179.  The words used to vest exclusive authority in the
legislature, the executive and, the judiciary are: “is vested in”.
2
6
  The words used in
section 179 are different and more consistent with a concern to centralise the
national public prosecuting service,
rather than to transfer the authority for
military prosecutions to the NDPP.  It is concerned with the creation of a
national authority
responsible for
public prosecutions
.  This term, like
“public prosecutor” and “public prosecution service” is used to denote those
who conduct prosecutions
in the  civilian courts.  It does not refer to
military prosecutors.  Indeed, at the time the Constitution came into force
there
were no military prosecutors in the country.  Under the MDC as it read at
the time military prosecutions were conducted by ordinary
military officers
appointed
ad hoc.
[29]
     The word “national”
in the context of the phrase “single national prosecuting authority” should
also be given due
weight.  It denotes more clearly that the multiple national
prosecuting heads that formerly existed were to be merged into one.Â
Moreover,
by qualifying the authority thus, it is made clear that the statement does not
extend to lesser or other prosecuting authorities.Â
The sentence speaks of the
national authority, not those involved in conducting prosecutions on behalf of
municipalities or prosecutions
in departmental, police or prisons disciplinary
proceedings.
[30]
     More pertinently,
section 179 also does not speak of military prosecutions.  Indeed, it is
difficult to accept that the
system of military discipline could be so
radically altered without being mentioned directly or by necessary
implication.  If the
legislature of the Constitution were to do away with the
existing and time-honoured system whereby the prosecutors before military
tribunals were soldiers subject themselves to military discipline, it seems
unlikely that it would be done in this veiled manner.Â
It is equally difficult
to accept that a radical change to the country’s existing system of military
justice would be effected
by a subsection contained in a section and in a
chapter dealing with a different topic — and without anything being said about
it in the section or chapter governing the future SANDF, its nature and
purpose.
[31]
     My basic difficulty
with the learned judge’s interpretation is, however, more fundamental.  It is
that such interpretation
seems to overlook the realities of military service,
military life and military discipline.  Soldiers live and work in a subculture
of their own.  This is recognised and accepted by acknowledging the
constitutional validity of a separate military justice system
with its own
unique rules, offences and punishments. The system of military justice as such
is not challenged in these proceedings.Â
We are concerned with one component
only of a system that functions according to its own rules. Although the
overarching power of
the Constitution prevails and although the Bill of Rights
is not excluded, the relationship between the SANDF and its members has
certain
unique features.  For instance, what would be acceptable in another employment
relationship is not only impermissible for
a soldier but may be visited by
punishment as severe as deprivation of liberty for several years.
[32]
     That being so, what
purpose could be served by the prescript read into section 179 by the learned
judge?  Why should military
prosecutions be conducted by civilians?  Why should
decisions regarding military discipline be taken by outsiders?  Why should
the
Constitution at one and the same time establish a disciplined military force
and impose upon it a system of civilian control
of its internal disciplinary
prosecutions?  Why should a soldier who transgresses while on duty just outside
our borders be prosecuted
militarily but under the aegis of the civilian
prosecutorial authority of the NDPP if the offence is committed inside the
border?
[33]
     It has been suggested
that the purpose behind section 179 was to ensure civilian control over the
military, to prevent abuses
within the confines of this closed society. More
specifically the purpose is seen to be to prevent victimisation of former
liberation
fighters who have been absorbed into the SANDF and now have to serve
under their former enemies, who are in charge of the investigation,
prosecution
and adjudication functions within the armed forces.  Civilian control of the
prosecutorial arm of the military justice
system under the terms of section 179
would keep in place a moderating influence as a prophylactic to counteract this
dangerous possibility.Â
This construction seems doubtful, however.
[34]
     In the first place,
there was no evidence to such effect.  Nowhere in the papers is such a
suggestion made, nor was it mentioned
in either case by counsel for the soldiers.Â
And none of the references mentioned in their written submissions suggest the
existence
of circumstances sufficiently notorious to qualify for judicial
notice that could found such a construction.  It would not be unreasonable
to
expect some basis to be laid for such an important proposition in either the
evidence or the argument presented on behalf of informed
litigants.
[35]
     In any event, there
is evidence in the Constitution itself that appropriate measures were put in
place to combat this mischief
perceived to be targeted by section 179.  They
are to be found, logically, not in chapter 9 of the Constitution which deals
with
the judiciary, but in the chapter establishing and governing the security
services of the Republic.  Chapter 11 of the Constitution,
a healthy blend of
democratic aspiration and practical safeguards, first enunciates governing
principles for the country’s security
services and then provides the bulwarks:
“National
security must reflect the resolve of South Africans, as individuals and as a
nation, to live as equals, to live in peace
and harmony, to be free from fear
and want and to seek a better life.”
2
7
And:
“National
security is subject to the authority of Parliament and the national executive.”
2
8
And:
“To give
effect to the principles of transparency and accountability, multi-party
parliamentary committees must have oversight of
all security services . . .”
2
9
.
[36]
     Chapter 11 goes on to
make explicit and detailed provision for civilian control of the SANDF by the
national executive and
Parliament.  The more salient provisions read as
follows:
“
201.    Political
responsibility.
— (1) A member of the Cabinet must be responsible for
defence.
(2) Only the
President, as head of the national executive, may authorise the employment of
the defence force
 . . . .
(3) When the
defence force is employed for any purpose mentioned in subsection (2), the
President must inform Parliament, promptly
and in appropriate detail
 . . . .
(4) If
Parliament does not sit during the first seven days after the defence force is
employed as envisaged in subsection (2), the
President must provide the
information required in subsection (3) to the appropriate oversight committee.
202.     Command
of defence force.
— (1) The President as head of the national executive is
Commander-in-Chief of the defence force, and must appoint the Military
Command
of the defence force.
(2) Command of
the defence force must be exercised in accordance with the directions of the
Cabinet member responsible for defence,
under the authority of the President.
 . . . .
204.     Defence
civilian secretariat.
— A civilian secretariat for defence must be established by
national legislation to function under the direction of the Cabinet
member
responsible for defence.”
This Court has held that
“Members of
the Defence Force remain part of our society, with obligations and rights of
citizenship.”
3
0
[37]
     In the light of these
safeguards against abuse of military authority provided by the Constitution and
this retention of status
as part thereof, there does not seem to be much
purpose in extending the powers of the civilian NDPP to include control over
the
prosecutorial arm of the military justice system in order to attain this
end.  Furthermore, if the purpose of section 179 had indeed
been to protect
soldiers against misuse by their officers of the military discipline system, it
does seem strangely ineffectual that
the protection should be provided at the
prosecutorial and not at the adjudicatory level of the system.  The NDPP is
part of the
executive branch of government, not the judiciary, which is the
recognised protector of the private individual against abuse of state
power.
Indeed, in
De Lange v Smuts NO and Others
3
1
Ackermann J identified as one of the
purposes of judicial independence under the doctrine of separation of powers
and an important
bulwark against abuse of power by the executive that
independent judges are  “well-placed to curb possible abuse of prosecutorial
power”.  Although other issues traversed in my colleague’s judgment elicited
dissent, nothing said by any other members of the
Court in that case suggests
any doubt about the soundness of this observation. There could hardly have been
as it is a restatement
of an elementary feature of the separation of powers
doctrine.  It is therefore not reasonable to infer that section 179 serves
to
set the fox to guard the coop.
[38]
     Lastly and in itself
virtually dispositively, it is hard to see how control by the NDPP of the
prosecution function in the
military justice system could possibly work.  The prosecution
of crime on behalf of the State and the development and maintenance
of military
discipline and its enforcement by means of the MDC may have features in common,
but they serve two fundamentally different
public objectives.  Military
discipline is not about punishing crime or maintaining and promoting law, order
and tranquillity in
society.  Military discipline, as chapter 11 of the
Constitution emphasises, is about having an effective armed force capable and
ready to protect the territorial integrity of the country and the freedom of
its people.  The unique nature of a military force
in a democracy and the role
discipline plays in establishing and maintaining it are not central to the
present discussion and need
not be discussed at any length.  Suffice it to
quote with approval and add a gloss to the following apt summation of the
essentials
cited by counsel for the Minister:
“The ultimate
objective of the military in time of peace is to prepare for war to support the
policies of the civil government.Â
The military organization to meet this
objective requires, as no other system, the highest standard of discipline . .
. [which] can
be defined as an attitude of respect for authority that is
developed by leadership, precept and training.  It is a state of mind
which
leads to a willingness to obey an order no matter how unpleasant the task to be
performed.  This is not the characteristic
of the civilian community.  It is
the ultimate characteristic of the military organization.  It is the
responsibility of those
who command to instill discipline in those who they
command.  In doing so there must be the correction and the punishment of
individuals
. . .”.
3
2
[39]
     Modern soldiers in a
democracy, those contemplated by chapter 11 of the Constitution, are not
mindless automatons.  Ideally
they are to be thinking men and women imbued with
the values of the Constitution;
3
3
and they are to be disciplined.
3
4
Such discipline is built
on reciprocal trust between the leader and the led.  The commander needs to
know and trust the ability
and willingness of the troops to obey. They in turn
should have confidence in the judgment and integrity of the commander to give
wise orders.  This willingness to obey orders and the concomitant trust in such
orders are essential to effective discipline.Â
At the same time discipline aims
to develop reciprocal trust horizontally, between comrades.  Soldiers are
taught and trained to
think collectively and act jointly, the cohesive force
being military discipline built on trust, obedience, loyalty,
esprit de
corps
and camaraderie.  Discipline requires that breaches be nipped in the
bud — demonstrably, appropriately and fairly.
[40]
     The most common form
of disciplinary proceeding against a soldier is a summary and relatively
informal appearance before
the commanding officer of his or her unit.  This
swift and purely internal disciplinary procedure is retained in the Act,
3
5
which also creates courts
of first instance staffed by military judges with more extensive punitive
jurisdiction.
3
6
  The decision whether to investigate particular conduct by a soldier,
then whether to prosecute and, if so, the charge(s) to be
preferred and the
forum in which to proceed, are questions to be decided by the prosecution.  In
the case of military prosecutions
much more than in the case of civilian
prosecutions, such decisions must take into account policy considerations,
interpersonal relationships,
esprit de corps
, morale, efficiency and
possibly many other considerations.  For a civilian prosecutor, even one
attached to the particular military
unit but not forming part of the command
structure, to have to take such decisions would be unfair to both the
prosecutor and the
accused.  For such decisions to have to be debated at a more
senior level by or with the officials of the NDPP, who have no knowledge
of and
little feel for the local circumstances would be even more problematic.  In
either event the effect on military lines of
authority and command would be
potentially disastrous.
[41]
     This could not be
what section 179 dictates and it not surprising that counsel for the soldiers
were unable to find any precedent
for such a vicarious system of military
prosecution in any exemplary or comparable country in the world.
[42]
     The conclusion is
therefore that the learned judge in
Potsane
erred in holding that the
impugned sections of the Act are inconsistent with section 179.
[43]
     It remains to make
brief mention of the alternative basis upon which the learned judge found the
impugned provisions of the
Act to be inconsistent with the Constitution, namely
as a breach of the equality guarantee of section 9 of the Bill of Rights.Â
This
basis for invalidating the sections in question was not raised on Rifleman
Potsane’s papers in that Court and it is not clear
what bearing this finding
had on the eventual outcome of the case in that Court.  Nor is it clear whether
reliance was placed on
subsection (1), equality before the law and the right to
equal protection of the law, or the ban on unfair discrimination under
subsection
(3).  The latter seems the more likely, however.  The challenge was
expressly not directed at the fact that the system of criminal
justice under
the Act provides for separate courts for the hearing of military prosecutions,
but at the locus of control of the prosecution
service functioning within that
system.  There was therefore no suggestion that the forensic benefits enjoyed
by an accused under
the military system were in any way inferior to that
afforded in the civilian courts.  In
S v Ntuli
3
7
Didcott J concluded that
it was a breach of the forerunner in the interim Constitution to section 9(1)
3
8
that a distinction was
drawn by the Criminal Procedure Act  between prospective appellants in prison
who had legal representation
and those who did not.  No analogous objection as
to inequality of treatment by or before the courts arises here.
[44]
     If the reliance on
the Constitution’s protection of equality is based on section 9(3) it is clear
that the High Court’s
finding of unconstitutionality on this ground was
inextricably bound up with its finding as to the meaning of section 179.  In
this
Court counsel for Rifleman Potsane supported the learned judge’s
reasoning, albeit faintly, but his colleague in
Legal Soldier
did not.Â
The approach in a case of alleged unfair discrimination has been clearly set
out by this Court in
Harksen v Lane NO and Others
3
9
and needs no elaboration
here.  We can proceed directly to the successive steps of the enquiry as to the
presence of unfair discrimination,
applying them to the circumstances of the
instant case.  The impugned sections of the Act differentiate between soldiers
and other
people.  Such differentiation is rationally connected to the
legitimate government purpose of establishing and maintaining a disciplined
military force with a viable military justice system.  The ground of
differentiation is not one specified in section 9(3) of the
Constitution; it applies
equally to all members of the SANDF in their capacity as such.  This basis of
differentiation can have
no adverse effect on their human dignity or have any
comparable impact on them.  It has not been suggested that it is unfair to
apply the machinery of the military justice system, including the prosecution
regime created by the Act, to people who voluntarily
join the SANDF in the
knowledge that it is a disciplined force with its own disciplinary rules and
enforcement machinery.  The differentiation
is therefore not unfair
discrimination within the meaning of section 9(3) of the Constitution.
[45]
     The order in the Free
State High Court declaring these sections invalid therefore cannot stand.  The
appeal by the Minister
must be upheld and the consequential relief ordered has
to be set aside.  At the same time and for the same basic reason the
application
for direct access on behalf of the soldiers in
Legal Soldier
has
no prospect of success and must accordingly be refused.
[46]
     Counsel for the
Minister did not press for the costs of the proceedings in either case should
their client succeed.  This
was a proper attitude to adopt.  The soldiers were
legitimately pursuing what they perceived to be their constitutional rights —
in the case of
Potsane
initially successfully — and nothing in their
conduct justifies an award of costs against them in this Court.  The order in
the
High Court directing the Minister to pay the costs of those proceedings can
however not be allowed to stand in the face of the reversal
of the substantive
order on which it was based.  In view of the Minister’s attitude no order as to
the costs in that court will
be made, however.
[47]
     The following orders
accordingly issue:
A

Potsane
:
(1) The appeal by the
Minister of Defence is upheld.
(2) The order made in the
High Court is set aside and for it the following is substituted: (a)  The
application is dismissed.
(b)  There will be no
order as to costs.
(c)  The military judge at
Tempe, Bloemfontein is authorised to resume the disciplinary        Â
proceedings against Rifleman
Andries Diphapang Potsane that are part-heard
before        him.
B

Legal Soldier
:
The application in terms
of rule 17 of the Constitutional Court Rules for direct access is refused.
Chaskalson P, Langa DP,
Ackermann J, Madala J, Mokgoro J, O’Regan J, Sachs J, Yacoob J, Du Plessis AJ
and Skweyiya AJ concur in
the judgment of Kriegler J.
A

Potsane
:
For the appellant:                              JJ Gauntlett SC and N
Bawa instructed by the State Attorney,
Pretoria.
For the respondent:                           IV Maleka and P Mokoena
instructed by PL Samuels Attorneys,
Johannesburg.
For the
amicus curiae
:                     Dr JA van S D’Oliveira
SC, E Matzke and A Collopy instructed by the National Director
of Public Prosecutions.
B

Legal Soldier
:
For the applicants:                             DI Berger instructed by
Rudolf Kuhn Attorney, Pretoria.
For the respondents:             JJ Gauntlett SC and N Bawa instructed by
the State Attorney, Pretoria.
1
         Â
In terms
of s 172(2)(d) of the Constitution “[a]ny person or organ of state with a
sufficient interest may appeal, or apply, directly
to the Constitutional Court
to confirm or vary an order of constitutional invalidity by a court . . .”.
2
         Â
Section 167(6)(a)
permits such access in the following terms: “National legislation or the rules
of the Constitutional Court must
allow a person, when it is in the interests of
justice and with leave of the Constitutional Court . . . to bring a matter
directly
to the Constitutional Court”.
Rule 17 of the Rules of
the Constitutional Court prescribes the ways in which such an application can
be brought before the Court.
3
         Â
It is a
matter for comment that the prosecution in the military court concerned three
peculiarly military offences, namely disobeying
a lawful command,
insubordination and conduct to the prejudice of military discipline.  The power
to prosecute in a military court
for civilian offences (styled “public offences”
by the learned judge) was therefore not directly in issue before the High
Court.Â
Nor is it clear how the finding that military prosecutions for
civilian
offences were constitutionally forbidden, could result in an order staying the
prosecution for
military
offences.  Inasmuch as this Court is concerned
with the broader issue of the constitutionality of the impugned provisions in
relation
to all military prosecutions, the effect of this ostensible anomaly
need not be pursued.
4
         Â
See
Freedom
of Expression Institute and Others v President, Ordinary Court Martial, and
Others
1999 (2) SA 471
(C);
1999 (3) BCLR 261
(C).
5
         Â
The
Defence Act 44 of 1957 and the First Schedule thereto, the Military Discipline
Code (MDC) governing the system of courts martial.Â
The provisions found to be
unconstitutional were ss 104 — 112 of the Defence Act, ss 56, 57, 59, 60, 67,
71, 73 of the MDC and
rules 38 — 96 of the MDC’s rules.
6
         Â
Section
35(3)(c) provides as follows: “Every accused person has a right to a fair
trial, which includes the right . . . to a public
trial before an ordinary
court”.
7
         Â
Section
2 of the Act.
8
         Â
It is a
matter for debate whether ss 13(1)(b) and 14(1)(a) are really part of the
enabling statutory machinery.  Is it not s 22 alone
that is in contention?Â
This is the section that prescribes the powers, functions and control of the
military prosecuting authority
said to conflict with those of the NDPP.  For
reasons that will become apparent later, it is unnecessary to come to any firm
conclusion
on this point.
9
         Â
The
additional provisions challenged are s 4(1), 13(2)(d) and 14(3)(a).  It is
unnecessary to quote them.
10
        Â
In terms
of the Defence Act 44 of 1957 read with the First Schedule thereto and the
Military Discipline Code (MDC), a large number
of military offences is created,
offences relating to maintaining a disciplined military force, typically
mutiny, absence without
leave, desertion, disobeying lawful commands and the
like.  There is protection against double jeopardy as between the two court
systems.
11
        Â
The
exceptions are treason, murder, rape and culpable homicide.
12
        Â
See s
196(1) of the Constitution.
13
        Â
Section 199 of the
Constitution, headed “
Establishment, structuring and conduct of security
services
”, commences as follows:
“(1) The security services of the Republic consist of a single
defence force, a single police service and any intelligence services
established in terms of the Constitution.
(2) The defence force is the only lawful military force in the
Republic.
(3) Other than
the security services established in terms of the Constitution, armed
organisations or services may be established
only in terms of national
legislation.”
14
        Â
Act 92
of
1992.  It was repealed by the
National Prosecuting Authority Act 32 of 1998
,
which gave effect to the requirements of subsections 179(3), (4)and (6) for
national legislation.
15
        Â
Act 51
of
1977.
16
        Â
Section
5(1) envisaged attorneys-general being appointed to designated areas of
jurisdiction.  These in practice corresponded with
the jurisdictional boundaries
of the several divisions of the Supreme Court.  The Witwatersrand, although not
a provincial division,
had its own attorney-general.
17
        Â
Section
5(6) of the Attorney-General Act.
18
        Â
“The
Republic of South Africa is one, sovereign, democratic state . . .”.
19
        Â
See ss 7
and 8 of the Criminal Procedure Act.
20
        Â
[1999] ZACC 7
;
1999 (4) SA 469
(CC);
1999 (6) BCLR
615
(CC) at para 24.
21
        Â
(1992) 88 DLR (4
th
) 110
SCC.
22
        Â
2000 (12) BCLR 1373
(LesCm).
23
        Â
[1978] 1 F.C. 233
at 235 — 6.
24
        Â
At common
law and in terms of special legislation the courts exercise extra-territorial
jurisdiction in respect of certain unusual
offences, e.g. treason.  They are
not in issue here, however.
25
        Â
The
Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Act 200 of 1993.
26
        Â
See for
instance ss 44, 85 and 165.
27
        Â
Section 198(a).
28
        Â
Section 198(d).
29
        Â
Section 199(8).
30
        Â
Above n 20 per O’Regan J in
South
African National Defence Union v Minister of Defence and Another
at para
12.
31
        Â
[1998] ZACC 6
;
1998 (3)
SA 785
(CC);
1998 (7) BCLR 779
(CC) at para 63.
32
        Â
James BV,
Canadian Military
Criminal Law: An Examination of military justice
(1975, 23) Chitty’s Law
Journal 120 at 123.
33
        Â
See
section 199(5) of the Constitution.
34
        Â
See
section 200(1) of the Constitution.
35
        Â
See s 11 of
the Act.
36
        Â
See ss 9
and 10 of the Act.
37
        Â
[1995] ZACC 14
;
1996 (1) SA
1207
(CC);
1996 (1) BCLR 141
(CC) at paras 18 — 25.
38
        Â
Section
8(1).
39
        Â
[1997] ZACC 12
;
1998 (1)
SA 300
(CC);
1997 (11) BCLR 1489
(CC) at para 53.