COMPETITION TRIBUNAL
REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA
Case No: 08/LM/Feb02
In the large merger between:
Distillers Corporation (SA) Limited Primary Acquiring Firm
And
Stellenbosch Farmers Winery Group Ltd Primary Target Firm
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Reasons for Tribunal Decision NonConfidential
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Finding
1. We have found that a substantial lessening of competition is likely in
the proprietary spirits market , one of several markets implicated in
this transaction. For the reasons outlined below we find that a
consideration of the claimed efficiency gains is not pertinent. We have
found that there are no consequences for the public interest that
influence our finding.
2. A further hearing will be convened in order to determine an appropriate
remedy in respect of that market in which we have found the likelihood
of a substantial lessening of competition.
The Parties
Primary acquiring firm 1
3. Distillers Corporation (SA) Limited (“Distillers”) was a listed investment
holding company, involved, through its subsidiaries, in the production
and wholesale distribution of branded spirits, wine and ready to drink /
flavoured alcoholic beverages (‘RTDs’ or ‘FABs’). Distillers produced,
1 For reasons that are elaborated below, this merger has already been implemented for some
considerable time. Hence we try and refer to the parties in the past tense for the simple reason that they
no longer exist. However, we analyse the merger at the time at which it should have been notified and,
so, a degree of confusion in the tense used is inevitable. Where consideration is given to developments
subsequent to the notification we have tried to indicate this explicitly.
NonConfidential version 1
marketed, sold and distributed various brandy brands (including Oude
Meester, Richelieu, Viceroy, Klipdrift), whisky (Harrier), vodka (Count
Pushkin), cane (Seven Seas), premium wines (including Fleur du Cap,
Le Bonheur, Neethlingshof and Grunberger), sparkling wines (J.C. le
Roux) and liqueurs (Amarula Cream). The FABs manufactured and
distributed by Distillers included Bacardi Breezer, Bernini and Castello.
Distillers also acted as the South African agent and distributor of
international brands such as Gordon’s gin, Martini, Bacardi rum, and
Glenfiddich whisky.
Primary target firm
4. SFW was a producer and wholesaler of wine, spirits and alcoholic fruit
beverages within South Africa. As a leading wine producer, it boasted
names such as Nederburg, Zonnebloem, Graca, Chateau Libertas and
Plaisir de Merle. Its spirit brands included MellowWood brandy, Old
Buck gin, Mainstay cane spirit and Romanoff vodka. It had the
distribution rights in SA for Martell brandy 2 and Bols brandy 3. It was the
market leader in the FABs market with brand names such as Hunter’s
Dry, Hunters Gold, Crown, Savannah, Esprit, Montello and Manhattan.
Shareholding structure
5. SFW and Distillers were both controlled by the same trio of
shareholders. The two companies had an identical shareholding
structure:
∙ RembrandtKWV Investments (“RemKWV”) held 60% of the
shares of both parties. RemKWV is a joint holding company of
Rembrandt and KWV, in which each holds a 50% interest.
KWV’s interest in RemKWV is held through a listed subsidiary,
KWV Investments Limited in which KWV owns approximately
54%;
∙ SAB held 30% of both companies through its wholly owned
subsidiary Other Beverages Industries (Pty) Ltd (“OBI”);
∙ The general public held the remaining 10% of both companies.
∙ The general public held the remaining 10% of both companies.
2 The Martell brandy contract was subject to litigation between SFW and Seagram (now Pernod
Ricard). In terms of the agreement SFW has the right to distribute the brand for a rolling five year
period, provided agreed sales targets were met. The agreement was terminated by Seagram, albeit,
contended SFW, unlawfully so. The matter was decided in Distell’s favour on appeal (SFW vs Martell
& CIE, Supreme Court of Appeal 427/01, 6 September 2002), so that the Martell distribution rights
remain with Distell. (T4, p. 128)
3 Subsequent to the merger, E. Snell & Co. has acquired the Bols license.
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Other significant participants in the production and distribution of
alcoholic beverages
6. The merged entity’s most significant competitors in the production and
distribution of spirits are GUDV and E. Snell & Co. GUDV is the South
African subsidiary of multinational spirit producer Diageo, which was
established out of the merger between Guinness and Grand
Metropolitan. GUDV has the largest market share in whisky (including
the J&B, Johnny Walker and Bell’s brands) and vodka (Smirnoff). It
has smaller stakes in brandy, gin, and FABs. GUDV thus competes
primarily with Distell in the middle and upper segments of the spirits
markets. As elaborated below these are commonly referred to as the
‘proprietary’ or ‘prop’ and ‘premium’ spirits.
7. E. Snell & Co is a smaller South African company, which produces
mainly, although not entirely, ‘valueformoney’ spirits – the lowprice
end of the market including brandy (Wellingtons and Bols), whisky
(Two Keys and Firstwatch), vodka (Absolut), cane (Cape to Rio), Gin
(Strettons Deluxe Gin) and an alcoholic fruit beverage or ‘FAB’
(Snapper).
8. Douglas Green Bellingham (DGB), a long established South African
company, is mainly a wine merchant, but its portfolio does encompass
some wellknow spirits brands in whisky (Balantine Finest) and brandy
(Connoisseur). Brown and Forman, a major international liquor
company, also distributes some of its important proprietary and
premium spirits, notably Jack Daniels whiskey. The South African
licensee of Brown and Forman brands is the Really Great Brand
Company, which also performs distribution and related sales functions
for E. Snell & Co. Other competitors include Seagrams (whose brands
were subsequently acquired by Pernod Ricard), African Wines & Spirits
and a large number of wine producers. The UKbased Bulmer, which
and a large number of wine producers. The UKbased Bulmer, which
has substantial international interests in cider, entered the South
African market in 1999, when it acquired certain cider brands from
Gilbeys. Bulmer exited the local market in 2002.
9. South African Breweries has a nearmonopoly in beer where it enjoys a
market share of approximately 95%. It has also recently begun
producing FABs.
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The Merger
The transaction
10. On September 20, 2000 Distillers and SFW entered into an agreement
in terms of which Distillers would acquire, subject to the approval of the
shareholders, the assets and liabilities of SFW, including the shares
held by SFW in the issued share capital of Western Province Cellars
Limited, SFW Holdings Limited, Bofor Properties (Pty) Ltd, and Devon
Road Property (Pty) Ltd, and all the trade names and trademarks of
SFW. The assets sold by SFW to Distillers included SFW’s shares in
its operating companies and all its trademarks, but excluded certain
specified assets. An addendum to the sale agreement was executed
on 9 October 2000 (A171). Pursuant to the transactions, the merged
entity was renamed Distell Group Limited (“Distell”).
11. Two common shareholders, RembrandtKWV Investments (currently
known as RemgroKWV Investments Limited) and South African
Breweries, held 90% of the voting equity in both acquiring and target
firm. The remaining 10% of each firm was held by the general public.
12. Postmerger the (simplified) share holding structure is as follows:
Remgro KWV Investments South African Breweries Public
shareholders
60% 30% 10%
Distell Group Limited
South African Distillers and Wines
SFW Holdings Limited Others
History of the transaction
13. On 8 June 2000, the legal representatives of the merging parties
approached the Commission and asked it to clarify whether the
proposed transaction to merge the businesses of SFW and Distillers
constituted a notifiable transaction. The parties’ essentially held that
because of the common identity of the parties’ shareholders the
transaction constituted an internal restructuring and not a merger as
defined in the Act. On 7 August 2000, the Commission concluded in a
NonConfidential version 4
letter addressed to the parties’ legal representatives, that the proposed
transaction would not constitute a merger as defined in section 12 of
the Act and accordingly was not notifiable in terms of section 13. Based
upon this opinion, the parties proceeded to issue cautionary
announcements advising of the proposed merger.
14. In terms of an agreement dated 20 September 2000 (amended on 9
October 2000) the merging parties effected a transaction whereby
Distillers acquired all the principal assets and liabilities of SFW. The
purchase consideration in respect of the SFW assets, in the amount of
R515 157 950,31, was settled through the issue by Distillers to SFW of
55 580 000 Distillers ordinary shares in the share capital of Distillers.
These Consideration Shares were distributed by way of a dividend in
specie and reduction in share capital to the SFW shareholders.
15. Seagrams, a large multinational producer of various alcoholic
beverages, subsequently launched an application in the Cape High
Court on 10 November 2000 in which it asked the court to find that the
transaction between SFW and Distillers constituted a merger in terms
of the Act. The applicant sought an interdict restraining the
respondents from implementing the merger, alternatively an order
referring the matter to the Competition Tribunal. In his judgment, Jali J
ruled that section 65(3) made it clear that the High Court did not have
jurisdiction to hear the matter, insofar as it related to competition
matters within the exclusive jurisdiction of the competition authorities. 4
16. Bulmer SA (Proprietary) Limited (“Bulmers”) (the local subsidiary of
another large multinational producer and distributor of alcoholic
beverages) and Seagram Africa (Proprietary) Limited (“Seagrams”),
both competitors of Distell, subsequently brought an application to the
both competitors of Distell, subsequently brought an application to the
Competition Tribunal in terms of section 62(1) of the Competition Act
89 of 1998. The basis of the application was that the respondents failed
to notify a transaction that the applicants contended was a merger as
defined in terms of section 12(1) of the Act.
17. The Tribunal found that the transaction constituted a merger as defined
in terms of section 12 of the Competition Act and ordered the parties to
notify the merger to the Competition Commission. This judgement was
upheld by the Competition Appeal Court on 27 November 2001. 5
18. The merger was subsequently notified on 12 December 2001. The
Competition Commission recommended in June 2002 that the merger
be approved subject to certain conditions. Essentially, the conditions
recommended by the Commission relate to the sale of a number of
4 Seagram Africa (Pty) Ltd and Stellenbosch Farmers’ Winery Group Ltd, Stellenbosch Farmers’
Winery Ltd, Distillers Corporation (SA) Ltd, 7759/00, CPD.
5 Competition Appeal Court 08/CAC/May01.
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brandy and sparkling wine brands.
Rationale for the transaction
19. The parties claim that the merger will generate increased efficiencies
that will enhance international competitiveness and shareholder value.
In particular, they argue that, absent the merger, neither company
could afford the intensive marketing strategies nor effectively manage
the supply and distribution of alcoholic products overseas. The merged
entity, on the other hand, would, through combining marketing budgets
and by cost savings, achieved through economies of scale and
reduced duplication, have a significantly greater chance of penetrating
international markets. The cost savings would be realized by a
rationalization of support services, manufacturing and distribution
facilities and by reductions in working capital and fixed assets.
The Hearing
20. After the merger was referred to the Competition Tribunal in June 2002
a prehearing conference was held July 7 th 2002, and a hearing was
duly convened, spanning five days in total:
15 August 2002
16 August 2002
22 August 2002
9 October 2002
15 November 2002
21. A total of nine witnesses were heard. These were called by the
Competition Commission, the merging parties and the Competition
Tribunal.
22. The following witnesses were called by the Competition Commission:
Mr. Alistair Norman Lewis, AC Nielsen South Africa
23. The following witnesses were called by the merging parties
Mr. John Forsyth, partner McKinsey and Company
Mr. Johannes Jacobus Scannel, MD of Distell
Mr. Valerio Doriano Toros, Distell
Mr. Jacobus Hendrik Visser, Distell
24. By the Competition Tribunal:
Mr. Michael Clifford Veysie, MD Bulmers
Mr. Tim Hutchinson, CE Douglas Green Bellingham
Mr. David Hooper, MD E. Snell & Co
Mr. Colin Robinson, MD Robinson Liquors
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Competition Evaluation
Background
25. The alcoholic beverages sector represents to competition folklore in
South Africa, what, we imagine, the oil industry represented to those
concerned with competitive markets in the USA at the turn of the last
century. Not only do we have what is, to all intents and purposes, a
single domestic beer producer, but we have a longstanding history of
state intervention in the production of wine and spirits, intervention
manifestly designed to support narrow private interests rather than the
public interest, that is possibly unparalleled in its breadth and intensity.
The 1982 Competition Board Report on the liquor industry notes:
“As early as 1918 a written agreement, a socalled ‘gentlemen’s
agreement’ was entered into by the KWV and the wine merchants
under which the KWV would refrain from competing with the merchants
it supplied. Specifically, the KWV, as a quid pro quo for the co
operation of private entrepreneurs, undertook not to compete with the
existing interested parties in the trade in or distillation or manufacture
of wines and spirits in Africa south of the equator.”
26. And, further: “In 1924 Parliament incorporated this principle in Act 5 of
1924, so that the KWV is not allowed to sell any wine or spirits to any
person not being a bona fide distiller, wholesaler, association of
distillers or wholesaler or cooperative society”. 6
27. However, the apotheosis of anticompetitive conduct in this sector is
surely the agreement which secured South African Breweries’ beer
monopoly and the Rembrandt Group’s preeminent position in the
spirits, particularly the brandy, market. We refer, of course, to the
notorious market sharing arrangement between the beer producer and
its counterpart in the wine and spirits sectors that saw the former
its counterpart in the wine and spirits sectors that saw the former
agreeing to limit its involvement in wine and spirits in exchange for an
undertaking from the Rembrandt group to stay out of the beer market.
To add insult to injury, KWV was allowed to take up a significant share
of the new spirits and wine company. 7
6 Competition Board, Report No. 10, ‘Investigation into Restrictive Practices in the Supply and
Distribution of Alcoholic Beverages in the Republic of South Africa’, 1982.
7 Nor, it seems, has South African Breweries, desisted from entering into these types of agreements.
Recent media reports suggest that in East Africa SAB has entered into a geographical market sharing
arrangement that saw it agreeing with subsidiaries of Diageo, another large multinational brewer, to
exit the Kenyan market in exchange for securing a monopoly in Tanzania. Business day, ‘SAB closes
Kenyan Brewery after FourYear Beer War”, 15 May 2002.
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28. The market sharing arrangement was effected by the restructuring in
1979 of the South African liquor industry. This involved an arrangement
between SAB, SFW, OMG (effectively Distillers’ predecessor) and
KWV, culminating in the formation of a new entity, Cape Wine and
Distillers Limited (“CWD”). 8
29. CWD was listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, its shares
being allocated (and held) in the following manner:
The Rembrandt group: 30%
SAB: 30%
KWV: 30%
General public: 10%
30. This restructuring was designed to facilitate a split in the liquor industry
in terms of which:
SAB purchased the Rembrandt Group’s beer interests
(Intercontinental Breweries, or ICB, the large brewery with which
SAB had been in a price war that year);
SAB agreed to pool its wine and spirits interests (including SFW
and Henry Tayler & Ries) via the CWD and to limit its
involvement in wine and spirits to its 30% investment holding in
CWD;
The Rembrandt Group sold its wine and spirits operations (the
Distillers Corporation Ltd and the Oude Meester Group and
thereby the retailers Western Province Cellars and Liquortown);
The Rembrandt Group undertook to have no interests in the
beer market;
Rembrandt and SAB undertook to divest their retail liquor
interests; and
SFW, Distillers and OMG become whollyowned subsidiaries of
CWD.
31. This restructuring effectively meant that SAB sacrificed its wine and
spirits interest to CWD in return for a beer monopoly and a stake in
CWD, whilst spirit and wine production was concentrated in the CWD,
which acquired the two largest producerwholesaler bodies, namely
SFW and Oude Meester Group (OMG).
32. Shortly thereafter, the Rembrandt Group and KWV pooled their shares
in CWD (60%) in a jointly owned holding company, RembrandtKWV
Investments Limited.
in CWD (60%) in a jointly owned holding company, RembrandtKWV
Investments Limited.
33. In 1982 the Competition Board (Competition Board Report no.10)
recommended that the vertical integration in the liquor industry be
8 Sources: ‘Conspiracy of Giants; The South Africa Liquor Industry’, by M. Fridhjon & A. Murray
(1986), Competition Board Report No. 10 (1982), op cit and Bulmer affidavit in the matter between
Bulmer, Distillers, SFW and the Competition Commission, 94/FN/Nov00.
NonConfidential version 8
prohibited and that the merger which had taken place in 1979, giving
rise to the formation of CWD, be reversed:
”The competition that previously existed between SAB and ICB
and between the two largest producerwholesalers of wine and
spirits SFW and Oude Meester, has inevitably been either
terminated or restricted by the restructuring”
And further: ”The Board is convinced that the circumstances described … do
not justify in the public interest the KWV’s acquisition of an interest in CWD”.
34. This recommendation was rejected by the government of the day.
35. However, in 1988, the then Minister of Economic Affairs supported a
separation of the two main components of the CWD, namely SFW and
OMG, reportedly motivated by a desire to enhance competition. The
separation was effected by a separate listing on the Johannesburg
Stock Exchange of SFW and a new entity, named the Distillers
Corporation SA Limited, comprising the interests of OMG. This event
constituted a partial reversal of the 1979 restructuring that had created
a concentration of wine and spirit interests within a single corporate
structure.
36. It is undoubtedly the breathtaking audacity of these manifestly anti
competitive agreements and their endorsement by the political powers
of the time, that accounts for the persistence of anticompetitive
structures in the alcoholic beverages sector and for the intensity of the
disquiet articulated by consumers, distributors, the current government
and, in particular, other, inevitably smaller, producers at the state of
affairs in this industry. However, while the structure of the industry that
has emerged as a result of these agreements undoubtedly demands
an unusual degree of vigilance from the competition authorities, we
cannot use the provisions of the Competition Act to turn the clock back,
cannot use the provisions of the Competition Act to turn the clock back,
to redeem, ex post facto, the sins of the past. We are, regrettably,
obliged to take the structure of the industry as we find it and, in merger
proceedings at least, to limit our interventions to those transactions that
result in a substantial lessening of competition.
The Relevant Markets
The Geographic Market
37. It is common cause between Distell and the Competition Commission
that the relevant geographic market is national. The Tribunal agrees
that the relevant geographic market is indeed the South African market
and this issue will not be considered further.
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The Product Market
38. In common with other contested merger proceedings, the main area of
contention between the parties and the Competition Commission
centres on the identification of the relevant product market. In short,
whereas the merging parties contend for a broad product market that
encapsulates all alcoholic beverages, the Commission prefers a
narrower definition that places each traditional category of alcoholic
beverage – brandy, whisky, wine, etc – in separate relevant markets.
39. The Commission defines a variety of relevant product markets based
on traditional liquor categories, including spirit type, different types of
wine (table wine, sparkling wine and fortified wine) and a market for
flavoured alcoholic beverages or FABs. 9 The Commission finds
product overlaps in the following markets:
Table 1: Market shares and HHI changes per liquor category
Liquor category Postmerger
Market share
(% sales value)
Postmerger HHI HHI increase due
to merger
Whisky 11.8 2487 65.6
Brandy 71.7 5366 1941.1
Vodka 16.6 4565 130.3
Cane 39.4 4309 424.7
Gin 73.2 5147 1542.9
Table wine 59.5 N/a N/a
Sparkling wine 74.4 Approx 5580 Approx 2710
Fortified wine 80.8 N/a N/a
FABs 61.8 4793 861.4
Source: AC Nielsen data and Competition Commission recommendations
40. While, as will be elaborated below, the Commission found that the
impact on competition of the horizontal overlap in most of these
markets is ameliorated by other factors – for example the unusual
9 FABs are the readytodrink mixes and alcoholic fruit beverages that technically encompass a range
of liquor categories, including ales, beers, ciders, alcoholic fruit beverages, wines and spirit coolers.
FABs characteristically boast novel tastes/flavours, fashion aspects, thirst quenching qualities and
convenience (as they are ready to drink). (B62) The fast growing and ‘fickle’ market for FABs is
characterized by short product life cycles and rapid market share shifts. (Beverage Business Yearbook
2001; B63)
NonConfidential version 10
dynamism of the FABs market or the merged entity’s relatively small
market share in whisky – the Commission’s narrow, categorybased
market definition was the basis for its finding of a substantial lessening
of competition in the brandy, sparkling wine and gin markets and,
accordingly, for its recommendation that the merged entity be
compelled to divest itself of a number of brands in these markets. 10
41. In the brandy market the Commission recommended that Distell be
compelled to dispose of 16% of its market share whilst terminating the
manufacture and distribution of all KWV brands. In the sparkling wine
market the Commission recommended that Distell dispose of brands
with a cumulative market share of between 2030% in volume.
42. The merging parties on the other hand define the relevant market to
include all alcoholic beverages, ranging from beer to spirits, including
wine and FABs. The parties find that Distell’s postmerger market
share in the national alcoholic beverage market, based on litres
absolute alcohol, is 19.7%. 11
43. Accordingly, the parties have argued that there is no substantial
lessening of competition in the relevant market and suggest that, even
if there was, the efficiencies generated by the merger would offset any
detrimental effects of the merger.
44. Much hinges then on the identification of the relevant product market.
Unfortunately, however, the Commission has produced scant evidence
in support of its view of the relevant product market. For the most part,
it elected to support its case through a critique of evidence produced by
the parties and through examining witnesses called by the Tribunal. It
is not surprising then that counsel for the merging parties should have
raised, at the commencement of the hearings, the question of onus,
raised, at the commencement of the hearings, the question of onus,
arguing that it is not for the parties to prove that competition will not be
substantially lessened by the merger, but rather for the Commission to
establish the likelihood of a substantial lessening of competition.
45. However, the question of onus is not as clearcut as the parties would
have us believe. The Tribunal is the decision maker in respect of all
large mergers. It is, in other words, required to establish not whether
some participant has discharged an onus, but, rather, whether or not
10 The Commission has only recommended remedies in two of these markets, viz. sparkling wine and
brandy. In the gin market, although it found that competition had been substantially lessened it
declined to recommend a remedy on the grounds that litigation concerning Distell’s distribution
agreement with Gilbey’s (GUDV) was in process and its outcome would have a determinant effect on
the merged entity’s market share. The matter is currently still subject to litigation, although agreement
has been reached for the brand to remain with Distell until the matter has been decided by the courts.
The Commission acknowledges however that ‘whoever ends up with control of the Gordon’s brand,
will control the gin market’.
11 When sorghum beer sales are taken into account, the market share drops to 17.2%.
NonConfidential version 11
there has been a substantial lessening of competition. This it will do on
the basis of the evidence and argument submitted to it, including
evidence garnered through the Tribunal’s exercise of its inquisitorial
powers. It will, indeed, become apparent that our reading of the
evidence and argument that we have heard has led us to a view of the
relevant market distinct from that of both the Commission and the
parties.
46. That having been said then, the Commission has argued for a
particular conclusion, namely, that the transaction is likely to
substantially lessen competition, and the remedies proposed by it
consequent upon this finding embody potentially important
consequences. In doing this the Commission has relied almost entirely
on a critique of the parties’ own arguments and the evidence of the
parties’ witnesses. However, a critique, no matter how trenchant, of the
parties’ argument and of the evidence led by them may establish that
the parties are wrong; but it cannot, on its own, establish that the
counterargument is correct. In short, for an adverse finding the
Tribunal must be satisfied that the evidence and argument that has
been presented, whether from documents discovered or oral evidence
led by the Commission, the parties and the Tribunal, affirms that the
transaction is likely to lead to a substantial lessening of competition.
Evidence presented by the Commission has made but a small
contribution to meeting this standard.
47. To return then to the definition of the relevant market, the
Commission’s finding of a substantial lessening of competition in the
brandy and sparkling wine categories rests heavily on its insistence
brandy and sparkling wine categories rests heavily on its insistence
that there is a range of narrow relevant markets defined by traditional
liquor categories including spirit types (e.g. brandy, whisky, vodka, etc),
different categories of wine (e.g. table wine, fortified wine and sparkling
wine) and a separate market for FABs. 12 In short, the Commission
avers that faced by an increase in the price of brandy, consumers will
not switch to another spirit category or, even less will they switch to
one of the other categories of alcoholic beverages such as wine, FABs
or beer. It insists, in other words, that intercategory competition will not
constrain an exercise in market power on the part of a producer whose
market share in one or more of the separate categories increases as a
result of this transaction.
48. The Commission’s contentions with respect to the relevant market rest
on two pillars. The first is international jurisprudence which, the
Commission pointed out, mostly supports the narrow, category based
relevant markets contended for by the Commission. Secondly, the
12 Note that the Commission appears to have conceded that ‘white spirits’ – gin, vodka and cane spirits
– constitute a single relevant market. Certainly, the Commission’s witness, Mr. Alistair Lewis,
conceded this.
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Commission insists that evidence presented to the Tribunal establishes
the weakness of intercategory competition in the South African
market. As we have already intimated, the overwhelming bulk of the
evidence was presented by the parties themselves, although important
evidence was also presented by witnesses called by the Tribunal.
Hence, the Commission relies overwhelmingly on a critique, on its
particular interpretation, of this evidence. The Commission called a
single witness, Mr. Alistair Lewis, an employee of AC Nielsen, the well
known market research firm.
International Jurisprudence
49. The Commission avers that competition authorities and courts
elsewhere have, when confronted with the task of establishing a
relevant market in the alcoholic beverages market, found for narrow,
categorybased markets. The Commission particularly relies on US
and European decisions in two prominent mergers, namely, the
Guinness Plc and Grand Metropolitan Plc (1997) and Pernod
Ricard/Diageo/Seagram Company Ltd (2001). These mergers were
evaluated by the European Commission 13 and, in the case of
Guinness/Grand Metropolitan, also by the US Federal Trade
Commission. The Guinness/Grand Metropolitan merger was also
investigated by the Australian ACCC.
50. In the Guinness / Grand Metropolitan transaction the European
Commission based its market definition on spirit type. This conclusion
rested, inter alia , on the finding that spirit drinkers display brand loyalty
within the category of choice and also on the observation of well
entrenched ‘occasionbased’ consumption patterns which renders
substitution on the basis of small price variations unlikely. The
substitution on the basis of small price variations unlikely. The
European Commission highlights the importance to competition in the
spirits market of branding and its application to individual spirit types as
a further justification for product markets not wider than that for each
main spirit type, i.e. whisky (further segmented to differentiate Scotch
whisky), brandy (further segmented to differentiate Cognac/Armagnac),
rum, gin, vodka, tequila and flavoured spirits.
51. Note that the European Commission conceded the possibility of market
segmentation based on price and quality differentiation observing that
‘a consumer who habitually drank a premium brand would not regard a
cheaper one as providing an adequate substitute in terms of taste,
image and so forth’. 14 However, this observation did not, in the view of
the European Commission, alter the finding that placed individual spirit
categories at the centre of the relevant market definition but rather
13 EC IV/M.938 and EC COMP/M.2268.
14 EC IV/M.938, para 18.
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constituted the basis for a further segmentation, this time within the
separate spirit categories.
52. In its assessment of the Guinness/Grand Metropolitan merger, the
Federal Trade Commission focused on whisky and gin, and particularly
on the premium segments within those categories. Within the whisky
category it distinguished between origins (i.e. Scotch Bourbon and
Irish) as well as different quality and price categories. The definition of
premium gin included a reference to its origin (i.e. England) and a retail
price level, comparing prices of specific brands. 15
53. The ACCC found limited demand substitution between various spirit
categories, with price increments in a particular category tending to
result in brand shifting rather than a reduction in sales in that category,
supporting a relevant market definition based on the spirit categories.
54. In the Pernod Ricard / Diageo / Seagram Company Ltd transaction the
European Commission cites the Guinness/ Grand Metropolitan
judgement in its relevant market definition and reemphasises the
importance of branding. Although the European Commission notes the
possibility of defining the market according to different price/quality
combinations, i.e. premium, secondary brands, private labels, low price
etc, the market definition in this judgement is at one with the finding in
Guinness / Grand Metropolitan. The European Commission concludes
that as ‘there is a continuous price spectrum ranging from the most
expensive to the cheapest’ and as ‘rebates can change the position of
a given brand in the spectrum’ the price/quality distinction was only
found applicable to the exclusion of Cognac/Armagnac from the
product market that otherwise included all brandies. 16
55. The Competition Commission insists that we would need particularly
55. The Competition Commission insists that we would need particularly
powerful contrary evidence to row against the tide of international
opinion that has found narrow categorybased markets. We are
mindful of this. Indeed Section 1(3) of the Act explicitly empowers
those interpreting or applying the Act to have recourse to international
jurisprudence, a wise provision given the immaturity of our jurisdiction
relative to those who have worked with competition law and economics
for many years. However, whilst foreign jurisprudence may be, indeed
it certainly has been, of great assistance in refining our understanding
of legal questions and economic theory and in guiding our factual
enquiries, it cannot detract from the strong factual basis that must
ultimately underpin all efforts to determine a relevant market. Counsel
for the merging parties cites an extract from our decision in the large
15 FTC press release (1997, December 15) ‘Dewar’s Scotch, Bombay Gin and Bombay Sapphire Gin
to find new Corporate Homes under FTC Agreement’, www.ftc.gov.
16 EC COMP/M.2268, para 17.
NonConfidential version 14
merger between Bromor Foods (Pty) Ltd. and National Brand
Limited:17
“Defining a relevant market for consumer products is notoriously
difficult. Delineating a relevant market for beverage products is
especially difficult because one is faced with not only the
subjective proclivities of consumers but also the marketing
stratagems of firms as they attempt to differentiate their
products in response to competitive threats.
Beverage antitrust cases have long been the subject of bitter
contestation over relevant market definition. On the one hand
merging parties contend they are merely minor players fighting
for their "share of the throat", in a market where the fizzy drink
competes with anything that can be imbibed from fruit juices to
tea. On the other hand competition regulators argue that the
fizzy drink is the relevant product market.
Ultimately each case must be determined on its own facts and
foreign judgments can do no more than give us guidelines to
method for they cannot serve as a way for us to come to a
conclusion on facts. The behavior of a teenage consumer of
carbonated beverages in Texas is no more use to us as
evidence than the behavior of the French consumer of
carbonated mineral water.”
56. It should be noted that the European Court of First Instance has itself
explicitly insisted on the overriding significance of a current factual
enquiry when determining relevant markets even to the extent of
diminishing the weight of a prior finding of the European commission
when making a subsequent relevant market determination or, what is
the same thing, a finding of dominance:
“Second, a finding of a dominant position by the Commission,
even if likely in practice to influence the policy and future
even if likely in practice to influence the policy and future
commercial strategy, does not have binding legal effects as
referred to in the IBM judgment. Such a finding is the outcome
of an analysis of the structure of the market and of competition
prevailing at the time the Commission adopts each decision.
The conduct which the undertaking held to be in a dominant
position subsequently comes to adopt in order to prevent a
possible infringement of Article 86 of the Treaty is thus shaped
by the parameters which reflect the conditions of competition on
the market at a given time. 18”
17 19/LM/Feb00
18 The CocaCola Company v Commission of the European Communities – Court of First Instance,
NonConfidential version 15
57. In short, while we will not simply ignore the US, European and
Australian findings, the weight assigned them is reduced if the
evidence indicates that the general features of the South African
market differ significantly from those that characterize these other
national markets. And, if evidence is adduced that directly conflicts
with the inferences drawn from the general features of the market – in
other words, if, for example, we are shown persuasive evidence of
intercategory substitution in the South African market then this must,
at least in respect of those categories that have been shown to be
substitutable, surely trump a decision based on the general
characteristics of the market.
58. That then is the sequence of the argument: we first consider the
international jurisprudence which finds overwhelmingly for relevant
markets defined by liquor category; we then ask whether the evidence
demonstrates that the characteristics of the South African market
approximate those of the markets that generated these findings; and
we finally ask whether there is evidence of consumer behaviour in
South Africa that is at odds with the inferences drawn from the general
characteristics of the market. In this case, the evidence in point would
relate to the issue of intercategory substitution.
59. The Competition Commission argument effectively holds that
consumer behaviour in the USA, Europe and Australia is sufficiently
similar to that of South African consumers of alcoholic beverages to
justify the simple importation of conclusions regarding the relevant
market from these jurisdictions. It would have us accept that if brand
loyalty and occasionbased drinking – the two features upon which
loyalty and occasionbased drinking – the two features upon which
their relevant market findings are based – are prevalent in the USA,
European and Australian markets, then they will be present in the local
market as well.
60. However little evidence has been presented in support of this far
reaching and essentially factual assertion. And yet there are clear
prima facie grounds for questioning its validity. South Africa’s
particular income distribution and the absolute levels of poverty with
which a large proportion of the liquorconsuming population contend is,
per definition, an extremely powerful determinant of consumption
patterns and behaviour, particularly where ‘discretionary’ consumption
is concerned – little evidence is needed to assert the massive
disparities between South Africa and the highly developed countries
from whom the Commission would have us draw essentially factual
conclusions regarding the relevant market.
Joined Cases T125/97 and T127/97
NonConfidential version 16
61. Moreover, the truly unique features of South Africa’s liquor history
recall that until relatively recently the vast majority of South Africa’s
population was, by law, not permitted to enter outlets at which spirits
were sold – throw the Commission’s questionable proposition into
sharp relief. Indeed the parties argue that the fact that the bulk of
liquor purchased in South Africa is still sold and consumed in the semi
legal shebeen environment is evidence of the unusual character of the
South African market. The rapid and massive shift in consumption
away from sorghum beer to other alcoholic beverages is also a unique
feature of the South African market. The single witness called by the
Commission, Mr. Alistair Lewis of AC Nielsen, identified another
distinguishing feature of alcoholic beverage consumption in South
Africa, namely, the:
“huge wine market, which is not so predominant in other parts of
the world. In other words, I’m not talking necessarily of quality
wine. I’m talking about the bottom end of the market, which
traditionally started here back in the sixties or even before that.”
62. Lewis nevertheless insisted that, but for this distinction, which strikes
us as rather significant, the consumption patterns in the South African
market match those found elsewhere.
63. The merging parties have, for their part, presented evidence of the
distinctive features of South African liquor consumption. Hence they
submit – and this was not contested by the Commission that South
African spirits consumers, in contrast with their developed country
counterparts, rarely drink spirits neat, but rather use it to add alcoholic
content to a mixer, so that the key attribute of the spirits is, in the minds
content to a mixer, so that the key attribute of the spirits is, in the minds
of South African consumers at least, its alcohol content rather than its
particular taste. This would portend a greater possibility of substitution,
at least between spirit categories. The parties also insist that liquor
consumption in South Africa, as opposed to other societies in which
similar research has been conducted, is less ‘occasion based’, less
structured by the time of day at, or occasion on, which it is consumed,
an assertion borne out by the research conducted as part of the
‘brandy study’. 19
64. The Commission purports to find support for its claim that “the broader
South African alcoholic beverage market is not substantially different
from the markets in the United States of America, Australia and all the
member states of the European Community …” in research results
which indicate that a significant proportion of the respondents
consumes more than one kind of drink at a particular occasion. This,
19 A study undertaken on behalf of Distell by the US consultancy firm, McKinsey. The study is
described more fully below.
NonConfidential version 17
the Commission argues, is evidence of occasionbased consumption
among South African liquor consumers.
65. However, this response confirms at best that more than one brand is
consumed by a significant proportion of consumers on any one
occasion. This does not show that the occasion determines the switch
– indeed, in the absence of further evidence, it may be reasonably
inferred from this that South African liquor consumers, in apparent
contrast with their counterparts in the other jurisdictions cited, display
little brand or category loyalty. In short, this evidence may well support
the notion of a wide relevant market, in which consumers drink more
than one type of drink at any one occasion.
66. Moreover, Mr. John Forsyth, the parties’ expert witness, testified that
market surveys that attempted to relate specific occasions to particular
liquor products using a sample of South African consumers, called into
question the notion of occasionbased drinking in South Africa:
(Paragraph omitted, contains confidential information)
67. And, Forsyth concludes:
(Paragraph omitted, contains confidential information)
68. In summary, we find unpersuasive the Commission’s reliance on
foreign jurisprudence in determining the relevant market. Certainly, the
evidence provides little justification for the uncritical application of the
European and US findings to South Africa. On the contrary, the
available South African evidence suggests that there are important
unique features of South African liquor consumption that will have an
important bearing on the definition of the relevant market.
Intercategory Competition: the South African evidence
69. We have been presented with a confusing welter of evidence, some of
it empirical and much of it anecdotal drawn from a combination of
market survey and direct experience of the market. We are also faced
market survey and direct experience of the market. We are also faced
with appeals – largely emanating from the Commission to ‘common
sense’, to the personal knowledge or, at least, personal opinion, that
many have of this mass consumption market. The proponents of
‘common sense’ effectively ask us to accept that consumption of a
particular category of alcoholic beverages is a matter of deep personal
taste that will not be compromised by a mere increase in price. While
an increase in the price of tea may plausibly give rise to a switch to
coffee, a loyal brandy – or whisky or wine or beer – consumer will, in a
manner of speaking, simply swallow the price increase, his expressed
NonConfidential version 18
commitment to his alcoholic beverage of choice would inhibit him
switching to another category or even decreasing significantly his
overall consumption of his chosen alcoholic beverage.
70. While we cannot simply ignore these conventional wisdoms – the
particular categories do, after all, have different tastes or, in the
language of marketing specialists, ‘intrinsics’ – we cannot base a
definition of the relevant market on these insights alone. It would
introduce an intolerable degree of subjectivity and uncertainty into
competition analyses, most particularly where consumer goods
markets are at issue.
71. The evidence on substitutability presented by Mr. Lewis and on which
the Commission sought to rely for its version of the relevant market
related, firstly, to the form in which Nielsen collected data, and,
secondly, to evidence of long term stability in the market shares of the
various traditional categories within the broader alcoholic beverages
market.
72. Lewis testified that Nielsen’s clients in the liquor industry do not
generally and traditionally request information on liquor sales as a
share of total spirit sales or of all alcoholic beverages. The services
rendered to AC Nielsen clients in South Africa include a bimonthly
presentation that incorporates an overview of economic trends in the
SA market and a brief overview of the total liquor market. For the most
part, however, Nielsen is required to report on the individual spirit
categories. This, the Commission averred, constituted evidence that,
in their daily practice, the actual participants in the liquor industry
themselves worked with categoryspecific relevant markets. ‘Why’ it is
themselves worked with categoryspecific relevant markets. ‘Why’ it is
implicitly asked ‘would they ask for information delineated by traditional
liquor category if they genuinely believed that their products in these
categories competed with products in all other categories, that is, with
products in the alcoholic beverages market?’
73. Even if we assumed that the Nielsen experience confirmed that firms
were predominantly interested in sales data in traditional liquor
categories, it is by no means clear that we should be drawing the
inference sought by the Commission. It is wholly possible to imagine
motorcar manufacturers asking for data to be collected that would help
identify the most popular colour vehicle that they produced but this
would surely not justify a conclusion that placed red and blue vehicles
in separate relevant markets!
74. Nor is it clear that Nielsen’s clients do, in fact, always require that data
are collected in traditional liquor categories or, when tracked in
traditional categories, that they use the data in this form. Firstly, Lewis
NonConfidential version 19
acknowledges that Nielsen is no longer asked to collect separate data
on gin, vodka and cane spirits but rather to aggregate these in a
collective ‘white spirits’ category. Particularly interesting is Lewis’
acknowledgement that this has shifted over time, an admission that
supports the parties’ notion of a dynamic market characterized by
significant shifts as new consumers and new products enter the market
and tastes change. Secondly, Lewis admits that a major Nielsen client,
South African Breweries, requires data of the overall alcoholic
beverages market and that it uses this in order to track the
performance of its products, beer, and, recently, FABs, vis àvis spirits
and wine. Again, this is identified as a relatively recent mode of
collecting and presenting data.
75. The parties predictably deny that the form in which Nielsen data is
collected has any bearing on the identification of the relevant market.
They effectively suggest that this simply reflects a convenient mode of
organizing masses of market data.
76. Moreover, the parties insist that their broad view of the relevant market
is shared by many of their competitors. This is however only partly true.
Hence SAB and GUDV, the large multinational producers of a broad
range of alcoholic beverages, both consider their various products to
be competing in the broad alcoholic beverages market. Snell, a locally
based participant in the alcoholic beverages market, avers that it is ‘an
acknowledged fact’ that ‘beer, wine, RTDs, ciders and spirits fiercely
compete for liquor consumers’. On the other hand, Seagram, also a
large multinational producer of alcoholic beverages, and DGB, a local
producer and distributor, appear to support a narrow market definition.
On the basis of its experience in a range of national markets and on a
On the basis of its experience in a range of national markets and on a
telephone survey of local FAB consumers, Bulmer, yet another
multinational producer and recent entrant into the South African
market, contends that FABs are a separate market, although it is not
clear that this conclusion is supported by the results of the survey that
they commissioned. 20 The merging parties also find support for their
20 The Lexecon report concludes that ‘a small but significant price increase is sustainable in the SA
FAB market, as only a small number of consumers would substitute away from FABs to other types of
alcohol as a result of a 10% increase’. The research methodology consisted of a telephonic survey of
200 FAB consumers in the Gauteng area who own a cellular phone, which apparently amounts to 30%
of these FAB consumers. The survey results demonstrate a low substitutability between FABs and
other alcoholic drinks. The drawbacks of this approach are numerous. Firstly, the 30% of FAB drinkers
who own a cellular phone are likely to be less sensitive to price changes than those who do not.
Secondly, as Lexecon acknowledges, what is really measured is reported preference (obtained by
questions around hypothetical situations), not revealed preference (i.e. the reallife response) which is
likely to lead to overstated results. The same survey also shows that if the favorite brand of FAB is not
available, although 51% of respondents would purchase a different type of FAB, as much as 15% of
the respondents would switch to a different type of alcoholic drink altogether (mostly beer and spirits,
C103). Moreover, when faced with a price increase of 10%, 74.7% of respondents would continue to
buy this brand, but only 3% would have bought a different type of FAB, and 10.4% of respondents
would not have bought any alcohol (C105). The latter results suggest that brandloyalty, rather than
NonConfidential version 20
broad market definition in the views of industry analysts.
77. The parties claim that the experience of the ‘brandy study’ also
confirms their view of the relevant market. This study was
commissioned by Distell and undertaken by McKinsey, the large US
based management consultancy.
78. Although initially conceived as a study of brandy consumption and
hence dubbed the ‘brandy study’, Mr. John Forsyth, a McKinsey
executive who testified on Distell’s behalf at the hearings, averred that
it immediately became apparent to the McKinsey research team that
the patterns of, and prospects for, brandy consumption could not be
understood without locating it in a wider study of the consumption of
alcoholic beverages generally. Forsyth testified that his company
characteristically approached requests to analyse the positioning of
particular products in the market by asking consumers a range of
pertinent questions concerning the product under scrutiny. If, in the
course of their survey of consumers, the respondents persistently
mentioned other products, this signalled the necessity for widening the
scope of the study to include these other products.
79. Hence, the ‘brandy study’ effectively became a study of brandy’s place
within the broader alcoholic beverages market. In essence the study
found:
(Paragraph omitted, contains confidential information)
80. In fact it found that a significant proportion of the population
(accounting for a significant part of consumption) is prepared to change
drinking patterns in response to a change in price or other product
attributes.
81. While the finding cited in the preceding paragraph is, on the face of it,
pertinent, we are provided with no further basis for this conclusion, nor
are we told what liquor categories are referred to. Moreover, changes
are we told what liquor categories are referred to. Moreover, changes
inspired by ‘fashion’ are likely to be of a longerterm nature – more akin
to a shift of, rather than along, a demand curve – than are those
inspired by price changes.
82. This goes to some of the reservations that we have about the brandy
study for the purposes of conducting a competition analysis. It is a
study manifestly designed to inform Distell’s marketing strategy and
although it does, in the process, unearth insights and information that
are of some indicative interest in a competition analysis, it is not a
categoryloyalty determines the behaviour in this category, thereby weakening the case for a separate
FAB market.
NonConfidential version 21
competition analysis. That it asks ‘how can I, predominantly a producer
of brandy and other spirits, persuade beer drinkers to come over to my
product’ or ‘what steps do I need to take to prevent the breweries
wooing away my customers’ is not, on its own, the identification of a
relevant market that includes both brandy (and other spirits) and beer
(or, for that matter, wine).
83. It merely acknowledges that, new consumers aside, the most likely
source of additional custom for any alcoholic beverage is to be found
in the ranks of existing consumers of alcoholic beverages, rather than
in the ranks of, say, church congregants. It simply says that those who
are regularly to found in a bar or shebeen – rather than at Sunday
School constitute the most fertile ground on which to market an
alcoholic beverage. Many of the patrons of a shebeen or bottle store –
the vast majority, given current South African consumption patterns of
alcoholic beverages – are beer drinkers. Hence, that beer drinkers
should be a major target of a spirits’ producer is not surprising. It is,
indeed, as little surprising as the converse – we would expect beer
producers to be as much concerned with its ability to make inroads into
the ranks of brandy consumers and this likely explains SAB’s interest in
gathering data of alcoholic beverages consumption from AC Nielsen.
84. At most it may reflect that in the long term battle to change tastes, to
develop both ‘intrinsics’ and ‘extrinsics’ that would boost the long term
prospects of a particular type of spirit – that would move the demand
curve for that particular type of spirit outwards – a spirits producer
would target, inter alia , beer consumers, that great rump of consumers
who already consume alcoholic beverages. It does not suggest that
who already consume alcoholic beverages. It does not suggest that
the current competitive strategy, particularly the pricing strategy, of a
spirits producer is materially influenced by the competitive strategy of
the beer brewers.
85. We have already dealt with the question of ‘occasionbased’ drinking,
the overriding basis for the European decisions that confined relevant
markets to traditional categories. The absence of evidence of
occasionbased drinking in South Africa clearly opens the way to
hypothesise that consumers would switch between categories in
response to price movements and this hypothesis appears to be
confirmed by the brandy study and a number of authoritative studies
and observers.
86. The brandy study finds that ‘..consumers consume products from a
number of categories and freely switch between categories’
(Rest of paragraph omitted, contains confidential information)
NonConfidential version 22
87. The Brandy Study also identifies a blurring of the division between
traditional liquor categories.
(Rest of paragraph omitted, contains confidential information)
88. It is also noteworthy that the consumer category whose participants are
most wedded to the occasionbased drinking patterns identified in the
European cases represent a very small proportion of the adult South
African population and that large proportion of the South African
population (representing a significant part of liquor consumption) is
prepared to change drinking patterns in response to a change in price
or fashion.
89. However, when the brandy study isolates consumer responses that
may assist us in arriving at precise conclusions regarding
substitutability, it appears that the actual blurring of traditional liquor
categories is between spirit categories:
(Paragraph omitted, contains confidential information)
90. The assessment by another group of market researchers
commissioned by the parties, Ingwe Communications, of the
abovementioned research reinforces the focus on interspirit category
substitution:
(Paragraph omitted, contains confidential information)
91. Moreover, Distell appears to have acted on these findings:
(Paragraph omitted, contains confidential information)
92. What little independent research has been presented to us appears to
support the conclusions of the parties’ research insofar as it
demonstrates substitution between spirit categories. Hence
independent research on the behaviour of South African consumers
reported in the 2001 Alcoholic Beverage Review concludes that
‘consumer behaviour in the face of economic hardship continues to
move from a premium brand in one category to a cheaper category
move from a premium brand in one category to a cheaper category
rather than a cheaper brand’ . We were informed of research on
product innovation that concluded that: ‘the growth of RTD’s/FAB’s has
resulted in a blurring of the traditional product categories’.
93. The Commission however presents evidence that purports to question
substitution between spirit categories. It argues that certain of the data
presented by Nielsen, in particular those data indicating the apparent
longterm stability of the distribution of market shares between spirit
NonConfidential version 23
categories, support a categorybased definition of the relevant market.
The Commission effectively contends that if competition was occurring
between categories, then one would expect to see movement over time
in the shares of the alcoholic beverages market commanded by the
various categories – the stability in these shares indicate that
competition occurs within the respective categories.
94. The Commission presents a 10year trend in the market shares (based
on litres sold) in narrow spirit categories:
Table 2a Trends in spirit category market shares
1993
(%)
2002
(%)
Brandy 44.1 40.2
Whisky 19.7 22.9
Cane 9.7 5.0
Gin 5.9 5.4
Vodka 14.2 14.5
Rum 2.5 4.6
Liqueurs 3.9 7.4
Source: AC Nielsen
95. However, the Commission’s reliance upon longterm trends in the
liquor industry as evidence of low intercategory substitution has
several drawbacks. First, substitution in response to a price increase
does not have to be longterm in nature in order to qualify as evidence
of substitutability for the purposes of a competition analysis – indeed it
is generally accepted that longterm trends are rather indicative of
changes in tastes, new product innovation, etc., that is, changes that
cause a shift of, rather than a movement along, the demand curve.
Secondly, using the longterm liquor sales data runs the considerable
risk of masking underlying and, from the perspective of a competition
evaluation, critical shorterterm trends.
96. In other words, it is wholly conceivable that an increase in the price of a
particular liquor category, A, may have caused a significant sales
decline in the short term as consumers switched to category B.
However, assume that, for whatever reason, the producer of Category
B could not hold its prices at the relatively low level and, a year later
was obliged to increase its prices to the level of Category A thus losing
was obliged to increase its prices to the level of Category A thus losing
sales to that category. If the producers of the respective categories
then, for say the next five years, maintained this parity between the
prices of the two categories, the long term trend would indicate relative
stability in the overall shares of the two product categories and, in the
Commission’s view, an absence of intercategory competition, while an
analysis of short term trends and events may indicate a degree of
NonConfidential version 24
substitutability between the categories that placed them in the same
relevant market. In our view yearonyear changes in market shares of
the various products in a declining market are important to indicate
substitution is occurring in that market, even if the market shares return
to historical levels every decade or so.
97. Indeed, although more rigorous econometric analysis would be
necessary in order to establish a structural break in the data set, it is
nevertheless reasonably clear that there are at least two conflicting
trends discernable in the period under review. Hence, if one takes 1993
and 2002 as a basis for comparison it appears that brandy lost only
8.8% and gin 8.5% while vodka increased its share by 2.1%. However,
a significantly different picture emerges if we distinguish between
199397 on the one hand and 19982002:
Table 2b Trends in spirit categories market shares
19931997
(%)
19982002
(%)
Brandy + 6.6 11.3
Gin 18.6 + 10.2
Vodka 15.5 + 10.7
Source: Calculations based on AC Nielsen data
98. Note that the decline (increase) in the brandy share is accompanied by
increases (declines) in vodka and gin. For the remaining spirit
categories, the trend is indeed one of either longterm decline or
growth:
Table 2c Trends in spirit categories market shares
1993 – 2002
(%)
Cane 48.5
Rum + 84.0
Liqueurs + 89.7
Source: Calculations based on AC Nielsen data
99. Clearly for the market share data to provide any meaningful insight into
the extent of substitutability between categories, they would have to
read alongside price fluctuations over the same period – hence, as we
will elaborate below, it is extremely pertinent that the break in the trend
coincides with the Oude Meester price hike in 1997. The Commission
has argued – and this too is examined below – that the break is caused
has argued – and this too is examined below – that the break is caused
by the behaviour of a statistical outlier, namely KwazuluNatal.
However, eliminating this important piece from the overall data set
requires detailed justification. Certainly, a simple assertion based on
the longterm trends revealed by the Nielsen data reveals little about
NonConfidential version 25
the competitive interplay between the traditional liquor categories.
100. Some of the witnesses have confirmed the simultaneous existence of
stable longterm market shares and shortterm fluctuations. Mr.
Hooper, the witness from Snell, identified this phenomenon:
“I think if brandy were to go up in price significantly and there
have been other instances where Distell might point to that
having happened. In Natal, for example, fairly recently brandy
went up fairly substantially in relation to Smirnoff. And Smirnoff
picked up a lot of market share in Natal. You do get these shifts
and you do get them in pockets, but if one looks over a medium
period of time, I think you’d find that those shifts are there, but
they are relatively minor. And if you take a brandy category, for
example, which is as large as brandy is in the South African
market that the brandy price goes up out of kilter with other spirit
categories or any other alcohol category, it may suffer, but it
would suffer to a relative degree. I don’t think you’re going to
suddenly find brandy going from its fifty percent (50%) market
share of the spirits market, for example, rocketing down to forty
percent (40%) or below forty percent (40%). I don’t think you’re
going to get that sort of shift occurring in a short to medium
term. In the long term it is a possibility, but I don’t see it as a
short or medium term reaction.” 21
101. Other witnesses have pointed to the significance of shifts in market
shares, however small, in a declining market. Forsyth, the parties’
expert witness, testified as follows:
“If the market on the other hand has been growing, then you
could say well some of that additional consumption in alcohol
beverages could come from other drinks that they may have,
but because it’s shrinking or stable then there’s probably a high
but because it’s shrinking or stable then there’s probably a high
degree of substitution going on.”
102. Clearly, then the Nielsen data on market share do not materially assist
in determining the extent of intercategory substitutability and do not
make a significant contribution to the task of identifying the relevant
market.
103. The parties, for their part, insist that the evidence of substitutability
between the various traditional categories supports their case for
defining an alcoholic beverages market. They rely on a range of
sources in support of their claim that competition occurs across the
traditional liquor categories and, accordingly, that a broad definition of
21 Hearing transcript, 9 October 2002, Mr. Hooper, p. 89.
NonConfidential version 26
the relevant market that includes all alcoholic beverages should be
accepted.
104. The parties’ marketing research provides some interesting data
indicative of the vulnerability of spirits to substitution, illustrating that
within the spirits category certain spirits enjoy considerably less
category loyalty than others and that in those same categories a
significant proportion of consumers is highly ‘at risk’ to other
categories.
105. We reiterate that, in our view, the responses gleaned in the brandy
study provide a strong indication of substitutability within spirit
categories but it does not help in identifying substitutability between
spirits, beer and wine.
106. However, the parties have also attempted more traditional statistical
analyses of actual and likely responses to increases in the price of key
spirit brands. Firstly, they have attempted to calculate ownprice
elasticities and crossprice elasticities based on actual consumer
responses to actual price movements. Secondly, they have undertaken
a ‘brand price trade off’ study, based on data gathered through the
brandy study. This latter study, in contrast with the more conventional
elasticity studies, is not a study of actual behaviour but is rather in the
nature of a laboratory experiment based on survey responses to
hypothetical increases in the price of different spirit categories (as a
whole) as well as particular spirit brands.
Elasticities
107. The parties have attempted to calculate ownprice elasticities and
crossprice elasticities. Ownprice elasticities are generally used to
indicate market power: if the ownprice elasticity is low then prices can
be increased as the resultant decline in volume would be small, leading
be increased as the resultant decline in volume would be small, leading
to an increase in revenue; low ownprice elasticities are therefore
associated with market power. The parties have provided own price
elasticities for Distell’s products, most of which are greater than ()1
and therefore priceelastic.
108. However, the Commission correctly points out that the ownprice
elasticities calculated here are unreliable, largely because the prices of
other brands in all liquor types were increased by varying amounts
during the period under review thus violating the ceteris paribus
condition and making it impossible to isolate the impact of the own
price increase. The simple ‘textbook’ calculation of elasticities
employed here is in fact only possible in theory, as the requirement to
hold ‘all other variables constant’ can simply never be fulfilled in reality.
NonConfidential version 27
Changes in income, prices of other products, product promotions and a
potentially endless range of other variables can affect the demand for a
certain product, particularly of ‘luxury’ items, even in the short term.
109. This is not to say that elasticity calculations are not possible, but rather,
that they should take the functional form of an econometric demand
model, that uses multiple regression, to estimate the demand for a
certain product. Such a model would assign values to different
influences and, combined with the appropriate econometric tests,
correct for bias problems.
110. A calculation of own price elasticities based on mere sales data that
would hold up to scientific scrutiny is therefore highly unlikely. The
approach taken here, namely comparing two annual sales aggregates
and two sets of retail prices, is simply too crude to result in any
meaningful findings, thus explaining the confusing sizes and signs of
the elasticities found. 22
111. The Commission also correctly points out that the crossprice
elasticities submitted by the parties are counterintuitive as only 2 out of
8 calculations even have the correct sign for substitution the result
must be positive, indicating that a higher price of one product leads to
higher demand of its substitutes. A negative is indicative of
complementary products. The crossprice elasticities suffer from the
same weaknesses as the ownprice elasticities, namely that changes in
relative prices, income and other relevant variables are not taken into
account.
112. In summary, the elasticities submitted by the parties are of little or no
assistance in determining the existence or extent of intercategory
substitution and should be disregarded. The inadequacies of the
elasticity calculations were in fact admitted by the parties.
elasticity calculations were in fact admitted by the parties.
The Brand Price Trade Off study
113. The Brand Price TradeOff study (based on the data collected for the
Brandy Study) analyses substitution between specific brands,
22 On a different note, the positive signs of some of the ownprice elasticities are interpreted by the
Commission to indicate a Giffen Good and therefore summarily dismissed. A Giffen Good is an
inferior good that constitutes such a significant part of a household’s budget, that the income effect of a
price increase is greater than the substitution effect. Indeed this effect is typically associated with the
Irish potato case. However, it is possible in theory, and this is confirmed by Mr. Scannell’s testimony
that a price increase leads to a change in the ‘extrinsics’ of the product (i.e. a certain amount of snob
value is added) so that demand actually increases. Clearly this effect does not indicate a Giffen good.
Instead, this would suggest a shift of the demand curve as opposed to a movement along the curve (by
means of vertical product differentiation). Given that the marketing plans and consumer segmentation
research support the notion of snob value (e.g. RTDs and FABs are status symbols), the idea of price
increases leading to increases in sales volumes should not be discounted.
NonConfidential version 28
spanning several liquor categories . Consumers are presented with
different price combinations for several liquor brands and asked to
indicate their purchase preference. The liquor brands tested include
several brandy brands and several brands from other liquor categories
including vodka, whisky and beer.
According to Forsyth, the parties’ expert witness, this methodology has
been used by marketing departments for several decades to measure
how consumers react to price changes. Forsyth explains why this is the
preferred methodology in market survey:
‘The way it works is the following. It’s based on a presumption
that if you just go to someone and say what are you willing to
pay; are you willing to pay more and what have you, you tend
not to get very sensible answers. What you need to do is to put
something more into it, more, as much as you can in a research
setting, realistic situations where they are choosing between
brands at different prices, kind of like they would be in a retail
outlet, trying to choose a product to buy. And then observe
those different choices and they will infer from that how
important price is and how important brand is in their different
choice.’
114. Forsyth explains further that the BPTO study ‘…would be very
important for me as I put together my marketing strategy, because in
my marketing strategy what I want to do is I want to take certain
brands and target them at key segments and then look at those
segments to see where I’m at risk and to understand that as I put
together my marketing plan and my brand plans, that I have to worry
about the potential switching to somebody’s other market, to these
other products.’
115. The Brandy Study found that the majority (..%) (confidential) of
115. The Brandy Study found that the majority (..%) (confidential) of
(confidential) drinkers consume more than (confidential) of alcoholic
beverage within a ..day (confidential) period, compared to ..%
(confidential) of (confidential) drinkers and that a high proportion of
(confidential) consumers are at risk to other categories. The BPTO
analysed the substitution between (confidential) and other alcoholic
beverages.
116. The main findings were that (confidential) consumption is price elastic
as a 10% price increase (in all (confidential) brands under scrutiny)
leads to a (confidential) market share loss of ..% (confidential). This
(confidential) market share loss corresponds to the following gains in
the market shares of the other products:
NonConfidential version 29
Table 3 Market share increases per product due to 10% price
increase in a particular liquor category (confidential)
Confidential Confidential Confidential Confidential Confidential
Confidential
%
Confidential
%
Confidential
%
Confidential
%
Confident
ial %
Source: Calculations based on BPTO
117. These figures suggest intercategory substitution, at least between
brandy brands, on the one hand, and beer, whisky and vodka brands,
on the other.
118. In addition, when the price of (confidential) is increased by 10%, as
much as ..% (confidential) of its market share is lost, which does not
translate in equivalent market share gains for the other (confidential)
brands from which the respondents could choose, thus clearly
indicating intercategory substitution. 23
Table 4 Market share increases due to 10% price increase in
a particular spirit brand (confidential)
Conf. Conf. Conf. Conf. Conf. Conf. Conf. Conf.
Conf. % Conf. % Conf. % Conf. % Conf. % Conf. % Conf. % Conf. %
Source: Calculations based on BPTO
119. From the perspective of a competition analysis, the main weakness of
the BPTO study is the fact that the brands included are purposively
selected, i.e. they are a selection of brands presumed to compete
against each other, and if an important competitor is excluded, the
results will suffer in accuracy. 24 In this case the selection of the brands
and price points were done for the brandy study itself and based on
consumer focus group information that indicated that competition was
taking place between these brands. The data sample included a
statistically significant number of respondents and was performed for
the purposes of Distell’s marketing overhaul and not for the purpose of
any competition investigation.
120. Note also that consumer responses gathered in this type of laboratory
120. Note also that consumer responses gathered in this type of laboratory
experiment are likely to be biased towards overstating the extent of
substitution. That is, consumer responses tested in this way are likely
to be stronger than their responses to a real life price hike. In real life
consumers will not necessarily remember the prices they paid prior to a
price increase, nor be able or willing to compare the prices of the near
23 (Footnote omitted, contains confidential information).
24 If an important competitor is excluded this would lead to an understatement of the elasticity. Note
that the respondent is given the option of choosing ‘none’ of the selected brands selected for the
purpose of the study as the likely winner in the event of a price increase.
NonConfidential version 30
substitutes this closely.
121. Other aspects of the methodology employed in this study are also open
to criticism. The model does not allow for the possibility of consumers
reducing alcohol consumption due to a price increase (either reducing
their consumption of a particular brand or by switching out of alcoholic
beverages completely) as consumers are expected either to continue
buying their brand or to buy an alternative alcoholic beverage, and this
stylisation of consumer behaviour will further amplify the expected
response.
122. However, these shortcomings notwithstanding, the BPTO data is
impressive and the findings, albeit open to qualification, informative
from a competition perspective. We are, at least, satisfied that they are
made on the basis of consumer research. After all is said and done,
consumers indicating their preferences based on their reserve prices
constitutes the basis of how demand curves are constructed.
Moreover, whilst maintaining the ceteris paribus condition, the
methodology mimics consumer behaviour in a SSNIP test, thereby
predicting substitutability. The approach itself is interesting in that it
provides a manageable alternative for researching substitutability, one
less involved than econometric modelling, and which, when prudently
conducted, may be less prone to bias and other data related defects.
123. On balance then the BPTO appears to be a useful, albeit far from
flawless, measure of substitution. However, while this particular study
does demonstrate that, in the face of a generalised increase in the
price of a particular spirit type, consumers will substitute other liquor
categories, these are, by and large, spirit categories. And, while it
indicates that in the face of an increase in the price of a particular spirit
indicates that in the face of an increase in the price of a particular spirit
brand, consumers will substitute other brands, again these are mostly
spirit brands. This may be a consequence of the range of possible
substitutes selected – but while it constitutes further evidence of
substitution between spirit categories, it does not persuade us that beer
and spirits are substitutable categories of alcoholic beverage.
The KwazuluNatal Experience
124. In most substitution analyses the research possibilities would end here,
with a hotchpotch of evidence of varying reliability, which, on a balance
of probability, suggests that South African consumers consider various
sprit categories as substitutes, but without a real case study, without,
that is, the opportunity to analyse a sufficiently significant event that
would allow for a more confident conclusion on substitution.
Fortunately in this case there is a real life event that can be analysed
and on which we place greatest reliance and which represents a major
NonConfidential version 31
challenge to the Commission’s already weak findings. We refer to the
dramatic shifts that occurred in the liquor market of KwazuluNatal
province in 1997/8. As the tables presented by AC Nielsen show a
decline in the market share of brandy of some 8.6% was accompanied
by a rise in the market share of vodka in the order of 34.0%.
125. The shifts between the two categories have been largely attributed to
movements in two brands, namely Oude Meester brandy and Smirnoff
vodka. When, in 1997, the price of Oude Meester increased to above
R30, large decreases in market share ensued, and these volumes
were lost mainly to Smirnoff vodka. Both the Commission and the
parties attributed this evidence of substitution to Oude Meester
breaking a psychological price barrier by pricing itself at the thirty Rand
mark.
126. On the face of it this provides powerful support to those who argue that
consumers will substitute between categories in response to a price
increase. But why does this response appear to be confined to
KwazuluNatal and does that fact allow us to follow the Commission
and simply treat KwazuluNatal as a statistical outlier, an anomaly? In
support of its claim to have this evidence treated as an anomaly, the
Commission in fact presented data that excluded KwazuluNatal,
thereby demonstrating that absent the data from this province the
evidence of substitution is not significant.
127. The witness for the Commission, Mr. Lewis, alludes to the specific
attributes of the KwazuluNatal liquor market, indicating that Oude
Meester was consumed mainly by black consumers:
Manoim: “But you have no explanation as to why Natal should
be different in that respect.”
Lewis: “Well I hope there are not too many people from Natal,
be different in that respect.”
Lewis: “Well I hope there are not too many people from Natal,
but historically Natal has always done its own thing. And what’s
interesting, and again I’m not positive, because as I say it’s not
my field of expertise, but I’m sure one witness will be able to say
something later that the Oude Meester brand was
predominantly consumed by the black market, not by the Asian,
although a fair amount was obviously, but it was predominantly
a black brand. So we have seen brands within that sector of the
market change overnight. Now you can classically look at Lion.
You can look at what’s happening to Castle at the moment. You
can go through a list and when markets turn they turn quickly in
that field.”
128. Lewis has in fact hit the nail on the head by indicating that the Oude
NonConfidential version 32
Meester drinkers in KwazuluNatal belong predominantly to a particular
consumer demographic. It appears that province has a particularly high
concentration of one particular consumer segment (as identified by the
Brandy Study) who switched en masse as the result of the Oude
Meester price moving above R30. This segment of consumers is
characterised as:
(Paragraph omitted, contains confidential information)
129. KwazuluNatal has a significantly greater concentration of this
consumer segment than any of the other provinces. It follows that if
the rest of the consumers in this category are spread equally over the
other 8 provinces, then one would expect the aggregate figures minus
KwazuluNatal to indicate, on the face of it, a considerably lower
degree of substitution. In fact the responses of consumers in any of
the other provinces may mirror that of their Kwazulu Natal counterparts
but the extent and direction of the substitution is only clearly revealed
when Kwazulu Natal, the locale of the largest concentration of this
segment, is included in the aggregate data. The inclusion of Kwazulu
Natal does not distort the data – on the contrary the exclusion of the
provincial data would vastly understate the data by excluding the bulk
of the affected consumer segment.
130. Note that by excluding the KwazuluNatal numbers, the brandyvodka
substitution becomes less obvious, but the pattern of rising shares in
gin and vodka when brandy is on the decline remains clear, particularly
in the period 19982002, the period following the Oude Meester price
increases:
Table 5 Trends in market shares of spirit categories 1993 –
2002 (brandy, gin, vodka)
1993 – 1997
(%)
1998 – 2002
(%)
Brandy + 1.1 9.6
Gin 20.6 + 17.6
Vodka + 13.4 + 8.0
Source: Calculations based on AC Nielsen data
131. For the remaining categories, the trend is again one of either longterm
decline or growth:
decline or growth:
Table 6 Trends in market shares of spirit categories 1993 –
2002 (cane, rum, liqueurs)
1993 – 2002
(%)
NonConfidential version 33
Cane 41.4
Rum + 78.6
Liqueurs + 86.4
Source: Calculations based on AC Nielsen data
132. The Commission argues that the KZN data shows that the price
increases post1997 occurred when the pricing was on the elastic part
of a generally price inelastic demand curve and that it merely
demonstrates that market power was exercised ‘a bit too far’. However,
Oude Meester is one of many brandies in the proprietary (medium
priced) market segment, so that the switch to an alternative liquor
category (rather than another brandy brand within the broad price
segment) is evidence of intercategory substitution.
133. Obviously there are some important caveats. The type of statistical
‘eyeballing’ engaged in here does not prove causality. Causality
between the rise in the price in Oude Meester and the rise in Smirnoff
sales can only be established scientifically when a reliable demand
model of the sort described earlier is constructed. However, Oude
Meester’s ‘small, but significant, nontransitory’ price increase coupled
with the concentration in KwazuluNatal of the consumer segment at
which Oude Meester was directed, persuades us to treat this
experience as the single most plausible piece of evidence for inter
category substitution on the record.
134. We should, in concluding this discussion of the Commission’s and
parties’ views of the relevant market, comment in greater depth on the
Commission’s insistence that where intercategory substitution
occurred – as in the Oude Meester/Smirnoff example – it reflects a
case of monopolistic pricing taken a step too far, a case of the
consequences of pricing on the priceelastic portion of a generally
consequences of pricing on the priceelastic portion of a generally
inelastic demand curve, a phenomenon referred to as the ‘Cellophane
Fallacy’ and first explored in the much cited case of United States v.
E.I. du Pont de Nemours and Co .25 In that case, it was argued that
cellophane was not a separate relevant market since it competed
directly and closely with flexible packaging materials such as
aluminium foil, wax paper and polyethylene. It was not recognised that
a high ownprice elasticity may mean that a firm is already exercising
monopoly power and that, as the sole supplier of cellophane, Du Pont
was likely to have set prices at monopolistic levels above which
alternative products became substitutes.
135. In the matter before us the Commission’s contention of ‘cellophane
fallacy pricing’ is based on its insistence that there is little difference in
the cost of production between a ‘value for money’ brandy and a
25 U.S. v. E.I. du Pont de Nemours & Co (1956 351 US 377).
NonConfidential version 34
premium and proprietary brandy. On the basis of this argument it
concludes that all brands in the higher ‘proprietary’ and ‘premium’ are
priced at supracompetitive levels. The Commission concludes that the
prices should be adjusted to ‘competitive levels’ before determining
whether they are substitutable with other competitively priced products.
This argument serves to underpin the Commission’s narrow relevant
market definition.
136. Admittedly, the ‘cellophane fallacy effect’ should be borne in mind
when using demand elasticities to determine market power or the
extent of the relevant market, as any profitmaximising firm with a
degree of market power will set prices at a level where demand for its
product is elastic (otherwise it would raise prices further). Using
elasticities that are based on elastic demand pricing are therefore
misleading, as substitution at monopoly prices is much more likely than
at competitive levels. As Bishop & Walker remark:
“The mere fact that at the monopoly price, a monopolised
product faces demand substitutes does not mean that the firm
producing the product has no market power.” It is therefore
generally argued that in nonmerger inquiries observed own
price elasticities may understate the degree of market power.” 26
137. For merger enquiries however the elasticity of demand refers to the
elasticity at the prevailing price level as this assessment is concerned
with future market power. The Commission is therefore not justified in
suggesting that the prices should be adjusted to competitive levels
before price elasticities are used.
138. The Commission’s argument that the observed decreases in, for
instance, Oude Meester brandy sales are due to price increases that
instance, Oude Meester brandy sales are due to price increases that
“pushed it towards the elastic part of Oude Meester’s normally inelastic
demand curve”, is based on the production cost of Klipdrift brandy and
a reference to the brandy report which indicated that:
(Paragraph omitted, contains confidential information)
139. According to the Commission, the Tribunal further “heard evidence that
there is little difference in the cost of production between a ‘value for
price’ brandy and a premium or proprietary brandy”. The Competition
Commission submits that brands in the proprietary and premium
categories are priced well above competitive levels, and that therefore
their prices should be adjusted to competitive levels, before
determining whether they are substitutable with other competitively
26 ‘ Economics of E.C. Competition Law: Concepts, Application and Measurement’ Sweet and
Maxwell, 1999
NonConfidential version 35
priced products. In the absence of this adjustment, interpretations of
pricing behaviour will fall prey to the cellophane fallacy.
140. There are two problems with this line of reasoning. Firstly, there is no
evidence presented by the Commission that establishes that it is price
inelasticity (reflected in a movement along the demand curve) rather
than vertical differentiation (reflected in a shift of the demand curve)
that allows for higher prices the evidence from the parties merely
indicates that substitution takes place. The Commission attempts to
argue that any pricing above marginal cost provides evidence that
demand is inelastic. In fact pricing at marginal cost only occurs when
all the conditions of perfect competition are met – it is a theoretical
artefact. Pricing above marginal cost is evidence of an imperfection in
the market – notably, in this instance, product heterogeneity or
differentiation that enables the exercise of market power, but it fails to
provide any evidence on the elasticity of demand in market analysis,
and, hence, of cellophane fallacytype pricing behaviour.
141. Secondly, the ‘admission’ by the parties that there is little difference in
the production cost of the different types of brandy does not include
marketing expenditure or imagedriven strategic pricing. Note also that
the parties have presented evidence that demonstrates that the costs
of producing a premium or ‘prop’ (that is high and medium priced)
brandy is higher than that of producing a value (that is, low priced)
brandy. We have, in short, been presented with no evidence on
marginal cost – we have simply been presented with an assertion to
the effect that the differential in price between two brands of brandy
establishes that the higher priced brandy is priced at a supra
competitive price.
competitive price.
142. Moreover, it should be borne in mind that the cellophane fallacy was
identified in a situation where the supplier was the sole manufacturer of
a particular product so that an exercise of market power would lead
consumers to consider alternative products with different
characteristics. The situation is very different in the South African liquor
market. Oude Meester is one of many brandies in the proprietary
(mediumpriced) market segment to which consumers could have
switched in response to a price increase of Oude Meester. Therefore,
the switch to an alternative liquor category altogether, more plausibly
indicates genuine substitution between spirit categories rather than a
market powerinduced switch to products that are not really substitutes.
This point was noted by the parties:
Mr. Rogers : “Indeed the existence in a market of significant
branding and the availability of brands across a wide range of
prices is incompatible with the application of the socalled
NonConfidential version 36
cellophane fallacy.”
143. The Commission itself acknowledges that overly narrow market
definitions may penalise vertical product differentiation:
Adv. Pretorius : “In the United States monopolisation complaints
are not recognised in respect of single product categories. The
reason for this is that it seems to create markets which are too
narrow and therefore punish the success of a company makes
him dominant or monopoly, who has successfully branded its
products … who has differentiated his products from other
products through successful branding. The FTC has a tendency
to define narrow product margins often resulting in the
punishment of companies that have successfully differentiated
their products from very similar products.”
144. However, the Commission nevertheless opposes a segmentation of the
market that reflects the wide price differentiation within each category
or group of categories because, it insists, there are no differences in
the intrinsics of the products involved:
Adv. Pretorius : “We submit that these types of distinctions
protect consumers who could unnecessarily because what
prevents them from informing themselves better about the
content of the brandy or the content of what is in the superstore.
And places an undue…. places an undue premium on social
status such as in these instances that people often drink Bells
because they would like their friends to see that they drink Bells.
Although the content remains the same. On the basis of the
hypothetical monopolist to distinguish between these categories
in our view is protecting a lazy consumer and a consumer
preoccupied with his social status in the community. If we accept
… if we accept that there is no quality difference or the quality
difference is limited and in any event not to the extent that it is
double in price.”
difference is limited and in any event not to the extent that it is
double in price.”
The Relevant Market: a third perspective
145. As already indicated, we do not believe that the Commission has
adequately supported its argument for a number of narrow, category
based relevant markets. The extensive evidence and argument
presented by the parties casts severe doubt on the Commission’s case
and has contributed to our rejection of the latter’s version of the
relevant market. This is certainly true where spirits are concerned – on
the evidence before us we are able to conclude that there is sufficient
substitutability between the various spirits categories to include them in
NonConfidential version 37
the same relevant market, although, as elaborated below we believe
that this substitutability occurs within broad price bands. As we shall
indicate, the Commission’s arguments for placing the various spirit
categories in separate relevant markets is plausible only with respect to
the highest price band.
146. However, although we are persuaded that there is considerable
substitutability between the various spirit categories, we nevertheless
reject the parties’ argument for a single alcoholic beverages market,
particularly insofar as it presupposes the inclusion of beer in the same
market as spirits. The parties have attempted to rely on the brandy
study and their calculation of the ‘Brand Price Trade Off’ to establish
the substitutability of beer and spirits but, as we have already pointed
out, this evidence is not wholly persuasive.
147. While the parties will no doubt insist that it is not for them to establish
the substitutability of beer and spirits, nor is it acceptable to make a
wholly novel and counterintuitive claim to the Tribunal without
establishing a factual basis for the claim. Spirits and beer are, to be
sure, both beverages and both contain alcohol but their ‘intrinsics’ are
otherwise distinct, their production processes are equally distinct, and
we are aware of no single instance in which the claim that they belong
to the same relevant market has been made, let alone upheld. Fish
paste and beluga caviar are both commonly spread on crackers and
both have some relationship to fish, but this does not make a claim to
place them in one market at all plausible.
148. We note too that breweries and distilleries are still, by and large,
housed within wholly separate corporate entities. Indeed when South
African Breweries and the various distilleries entered into their market
sharing arrangement they did so on the basis of a division between
sharing arrangement they did so on the basis of a division between
beer, on the one part, and, on the other, spirits and wine. In the recent
past the brewers and the distillers have entered into competition in the
very diverse FABs market. Indeed we have indicated that we believe
that the evidence presented in this transaction suggests that the
competitive interface between spirits, FABs, wine and beer is
considerably more complex than that contended for by the
Commission. However, we do not think that it supports the parties’
argument for a single relevant market comprising all of these various
categories. We find, instead, that there are, implicated in this
transaction:
Three relevant spirits market a ‘premium’ spirits market, a
‘proprietary’ or ‘prop’ spirits market and a ‘value’ spirits market. The
basis for this threeway division is the vast price differential between
the various spirits brands. This is further elaborated immediately
NonConfidential version 38
below.
We find secondly that there is a wine market. Indeed, consistent with
the basis on which we have divided the spirits markets, there are
undoubtedly several wine markets whose boundaries reflect the vast
price differential between premium wine, at one end of the spectrum,
and low value, relatively inexpensive wine, at the other end of the
spectrum. However, we have been provided with insufficient evidence
to identify with any confidence the location of the boundaries between
brand or label price bands.
We are not convinced that there is sufficient evidence to arrive at a
definitive conclusion regarding FABs. This is clearly a very broad
ranging category with certain brands and subcategories, for example
the various ciders, possibly in the same market as beer, while others
are more likely to compete with spirits, while yet others may well be
best situated in one or other of the wine markets. While it is precisely
the varied nature of the products collectively referred to as FABs, that
allows them to act as a bridge between spirits, wine and beer, it is also
this quality that resists attempts to pigeonhole FABs in a single relevant
market.
149. Spirits are, in our view, the potential area for concern in this
transaction. As already elaborated, we reject the Commission’s
argument in favour of placing the traditional spirit categories in
separate relevant markets. We believe that there is sufficient evidence
of intercategory substitution to support a finding that places different
categories of spirits in the same market. However, we do not believe
that there is a single spirits market. Instead, we find three relevant
spirits markets.
150. However, in contrast with the Commission’s view, our spirit markets are
not segmented by the category of spirits, by, as it were, the contents of
not segmented by the category of spirits, by, as it were, the contents of
the bottle, but rather by the vast price differential within each of the
various categories. Hence, dare we say it, just as ‘common sense’
would reject an argument for placing a multimillion Rand Rolls Royce
in the same market as the humble Opel Corsa, so too does it rebel at
the notion that Remy Martin competes with Wellington (or Cape to Rio)
or Chivas Regal with First Watch (or Russian Bear). However, as we
shall elaborate below, we do think that the parties’ have, through their
evidence and argument on substitutability, made out a sufficient case
for a relevant market that includes, for example, the likes of a brandy
like Wellington, a whisky like First Watch, a cane spirit like Cape to Rio
and a vodka like Russian Bear because they belong in the same broad
price brand, just as we accept a second relevant market that includes,
for example, Smirnoff vodka, Gordon’s gin, Klipdrift brandy and Bells
whisky.
NonConfidential version 39
151. In other words, we are persuaded that there is substitution between
traditional spirit categories but we are equally persuaded that this
substitution will take place between spirits in the same broad price
band. We do not claim to be able to identify precisely the boundaries
of each of those bands but, just as in previous mergers in other
consumer goods industries, we were satisfied to accept the LSM
categories in common usage in those sectors, so here are we satisfied
to accept the broad categories delineated as value, proprietary and
premium that are commonly used in the trade. Hence faced by an
increase in the price of Wellington a consumer may well seek the
comfort of another value brandy brand, but so too may the consumer in
question turn to First Watch whisky. However, the affected consumer
is unlikely to substitute a proprietary or premium brand of any category.
By the same token an increase in the price of Smirnoff vodka may well
force a hitherto loyal customer into the hands of Gordon’s gin or Bells
whisky but it is unlikely to have him reaching down into the value
brands or ascending into the premium sector.
152. Let us be clear that these are spirits markets. That is, we do not believe
that intercategory substitution is unlimited. That is, while we are
persuaded that there is sufficient evidence of substitution between the
spirit categories in the same broad price band to justify several price
segmented spirits markets, we do not believe that there is sufficient
evidence to include FABs, wine or beer in any of these markets.
153. An immediate qualification is required here: we are persuaded that
there is sufficient evidence that changing tastes, new products and
there is sufficient evidence that changing tastes, new products and
rapidly evolving demographics are injecting new dynamic features into
the broad alcoholic beverages market. For example, we are
persuaded that FABs not only constitute an important new category of
alcoholic beverage, one that has clearly made inroads at the expense
of other liquor categories, but that they also constitute an important
bridge between consumers of spirits and beer, spirits and wine, and
wine and beer. Or, by way of a second example, we believe it
reasonable to hypothesise that inexpensive wine is part of the same
relevant market as the lowest price spirit band where, several
witnesses have pointed, there is particularly strong evidence of inter
category substitutability. But we do not have sufficient evidence to
broaden these relevant markets in this way – hence we will restrict our
relevant spirits market to the traditional spirit categories although we
will factor the interplay between FABs and spirits into our assessment
of competition in the middle segment spirits market – the ‘proprietary
market’ – and we will consider the influence of inexpensive wine in our
assessment of the bottom segment – the ‘value segment’ – of the
spirits markets.
NonConfidential version 40
154. Our argument for a relevant market that is based on intercategory
substitution and income or living standard based segmentation draws
on more than common sense.
155. We have already dealt with the evidence on substitution between the
traditional spirit categories at some length and have concluded that
there is sufficient evidence to factor this phenomenon into the definition
of the relevant market.
156. As for the market segmentation based on price differentials, consider
how deeply embedded in the thinking of industry participants is the
threeway distinction between ‘value’ brands, ‘proprietary’ brands and
‘premium’ brands. Most of the witnesses who participated at the
hearing articulated their marketing strategies and that of their
competitors in terms of this approach.
157. While these consumer segments are, by no means, absolutely
coterminous with income level (nor, we should note, is the LSM
concept conventionally used in market research), there is clearly a
close relationship between branding strategy and price simply because
income and the related ability to participate in the market is a critical,
the most critical, element in the construction of the consumer segment
at which a particular brand is targeted. Certainly, a fundamental
marketing strategy is to drive consumers up the brand ladder, to
persuade them to desert the lower reaches of the market in favour of
higher value brands. But there are limits imposed on this strategy – as
the saying goes ‘the poor will always be with us’, the rich will always be
willing to pay a premium for consuming the ‘extrinsic’ qualities that
identify them as a group distinguishable from the rest of society, and
entrepreneurs will constantly strive to segment their markets.
entrepreneurs will constantly strive to segment their markets.
158. The occasions on which the distinction between the value, proprietary
and premium categories informed the various analyses presented to us
by all the witnesses are too numerous to list. Seagrams and DGB
presented us with a detailed map locating the various spirit brands in
the three segments of value, proprietary and premium. Snell’s
competitive advantage (and, we are told, its Achilles heel) manifests
the existence and significance of this market segmentation most
starkly. Snell is the dominant producer and distributor of ‘value’
brands, those brands serving the bottom end of the market. It has
developed highly successful brandy, whisky and white spirits brands.
But it is struggling to transform one or more of its brands from the low
margin value segment to the higher margin proprietary segment. In
recent years it has been anchored to the value segment by Distell’s
efforts to penetrate that segment.
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159. Clearly, while the low value segment of the market does not, on its
own, particularly attract Distell, by entering Snell’s turf, Distell increases
the already considerable risks that attach to Snell’s attempts to re
brand an established successful low value brand – Snell is
simultaneously taking on the likes of Distell and GUDV in the
proprietary sector, while, through migrating a successful value brand, it
eases the ability of these formidable competitors to penetrate the value
segment. Indeed, this predicament, which we reexamine below,
appears to be the basis of Snell’s objection to the transaction.
160. What emerges then is a plausible third view of the relevant market, one
distinct from the narrow categorybased market definition contended for
by the Commission, but also clearly distinguishable from the overly
broad definition advanced by the parties. It is a view of the relevant
market that takes account of the particular features of liquor
consumption in South Africa which, for present purposes, is most
starkly manifest in a blurring of the distinction between various spirit
types.
161. Moreover, our view of the relevant market recognizes the central
significance of branding in the marketing of alcoholic beverages. Inter
alia, the evidence of substitution between Oude Meester brandy and
Smirnoff vodka, indicates that increasingly spirit manufacturers
compete on image and branding, on the ‘extrinsics’ of the product,
rather than on spirit category, the ‘intrinsics’. This means that, when
faced with a significant price increase, a consumer that prefers a
branded brandy is likely to switch to another branded spirit, possibly a
white spirit or even a FAB, of equal ‘extrinsic’ appeal rather than to a
white spirit or even a FAB, of equal ‘extrinsic’ appeal rather than to a
less expensive, but less ‘extrinsically’ satisfying, product in the same
traditional spirit category.
162. Contrary to the conclusions reached in the other jurisdictions that have
examined liquor mergers, we view the rise in the importance of
branding – something acknowledged by all participants in these
hearings as contributing to a decrease in the significance of the
differentiation between traditional categories. Furthermore, the
successful penetration of FABs, has introduced a dynamic element into
the market that has contributed to this blurring of categories.
163. We find then that there are three relevant spirits markets implicated in
this transaction each bounded by the broad price categories of the
products that populate these markets. We will use the language of the
trade to delineate these markets and so dub them the value,
proprietary and premium markets.
164. We are aware that where the blurring of product categories is
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concerned our conclusions are likely to apply more strongly to the
value and proprietary markets than to the premium market. Most
market participants acknowledge occasionbased drinking and
category loyalty in respect of the premium market. At the opposite end
of the spectrum, the most extreme example of category blurring is
apparent in the value market segment. Clearly this segment attracts
the most priceconscious consumers who would more readily substitute
between different spirit types and, further research may well reveal,
may even substitute between spirits and, because of this country’s
unusually large market for inexpensive wine, wine.
165. This caveat is supported by the evidence of Mr. Tim Hutchinson, the
witness from DGB, who, while insisting on the salience of traditional
categories in the premium segment, conceded that switching between
categories is more pronounced in the value segment:
Mr. Hutchinson : “Well I think if you did a lot of research on a
good loyal brandy consumer, he’s a brandy drinker. You know,
you are a gin drinker. There can be arguments in the market like
Natal that the consumer there in the emerging market swaps
over between gin and vodka. There could be an argument that
says that as whisky gets more expensive at the bottomend of
the market, you might have people who, on just pure economic
grounds, are gravitating towards brandy, just from a retail selling
price point. 27”
Is there likely to be a substantial lessening of competition?
166. The Commission has determined that wine and FABs produced by the
merging parties belong to separate relevant markets. Distell has a
significant share of each of these markets.
167. Despite Distell’s significant share of the FABs market, the Commission
has not found a substantial lessening of competition in that market. It
has not found a substantial lessening of competition in that market. It
accepts the parties’ argument that FABs constitute a particularly
dynamic market characterized by fickle consumer behaviour and rapid
new entry and innovation. The Commission avers that these features
of the FABs market will undermine any attempt on the part of the
merged entity to exercise market power. Bulmer, the multinational
FABs producer, has offered evidence purporting to demonstrate that
FABs’ consumers are willing to absorb significant price increases
before switching to alternative beverages.
168. We note also that the FABs category is extremely diverse – certain
27 T3: p. 162.
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FABs are effectively mixed spirits, others are cider products, while a
third category is akin to fortified wine. It is by no means clear that
these are part of a single market. Further evidence may well show that
some should be placed in one of the spirits markets, that cider should
be placed in the beer market and that the remainder should be in the
wine market. Moreover, the evidence regarding substitutability between
FABs and other alcoholic beverages is conflicting. The Lexecon study
performed for Bulmer suggests that FABs consumers are very brand
loyal, but there is little to suggest that they are equally categoryloyal,
and that, when faced with a price increase in a particular FAB brand,
consumers will switch predominantly to other FABs. Moreover, the
parties marketing research, as well as several witnesses and other
industry sources, suggest that substitution between FABs and other
liquor categories is likely.
169. For all these reasons we accept the Commission’s finding that the
transaction will not lead to a substantial lessening of competition
in the FABs market.
170. The Commission has divided the wine market into separate categories,
notably table wine, fortified wine and sparkling wine. We note that, as
with the various spirits categories, there is a significant divergence in
the prices of different wine brands or labels and this will certainly
dictate a further segmentation of the wine market into a number of
markets defined by a price band. However, as already noted, we have
been provided with insufficient overall data on the wine market to
identify the boundaries of these segments.
171. Despite high postmerger shares in the table wine market and the
possible anticompetitive effects of the merger, the Commission has
possible anticompetitive effects of the merger, the Commission has
found that the merger ‘could be justified by the ability of the parties to
become internationally more competitive’. While we are sceptical of the
Commission’s conclusions on efficiencies – there appears to be no
reason why interfirm cooperation on international wine marketing
requires a merger we have not been provided with sufficient evidence
to make a finding on the competitive consequences of the merger in
this market. We note however persuasive evidence on the low entry
barriers in this market and the existence of competing cooperatives
and numerous wine estates and will accordingly not investigate this
matter further.
172. In the fortified wine market, the Commission argues that since there is
‘no growth taking place in this market’, it is highly unlikely that the
parties would be able to obtain market power through this transaction.
Again we have not been provided with sufficient evidence to sustain a
clear finding in this market – we are, indeed, yet to be persuaded that
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fortified wine constitutes a separate relevant market. We note also the
relatively insignificant size of this market compared to the total of
alcoholic beverages and will accordingly not investigate this matter
further.
173. The Commission has identified a separate relevant market for sparkling
wine, arguing that its consumption is reserved for particular occasions
for which other wine does not substitute. The parties, on the other
hand, have argued that the link between the consumption of sparkling
wines, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, particular occasions is
breaking down. We note too that the merger combines SFW’s 31,5%
premerger share with Distillers 43,7% share, of which the lion’s share
(40,6% of the total) is accounted for by a single brand, JC le Roux, with
the rest of the market populated by a myriad of very small brands.
Short of an outright prohibition, this makes it very difficult to construct
an effective remedy. However, again we note the inadequate
evidentiary basis for definitively determining the existence of a
separate relevant market in sparkling wine. We note also that sparkling
wine represents a minimal part of the transaction under examination
and that entry barriers are relatively low as effectively any current wine
producer is a potential sparkling wine producer and entry barriers into
wine production per se are low. Accordingly, we will not examine this
issue further.
174. Our evaluation of the transaction’s impact on competition is thus
restricted to the three spirits markets. There are the ‘value spirits
market’, the ‘proprietary (or ‘prop’) spirits market’ and the ‘premium
spirits market’.
175. We have calculated market shares to the best of our ability although
we have been hampered by significant data imperfections.
we have been hampered by significant data imperfections.
Table 7 Merging parties market shares in different price
segments
Shares per category SFW Distillers Cumulative
Value 21.4% 8.5% 29.9%
Proprietary 7.7% 37.6% 45.3%
Premium 16.4% 26.1% 42.5%
Source: Calculations based on AC Nielsen data
176. In summary, the above table shows that the merged entity commands
a share of approximately 29,9% of the value market, 45,3% of the
proprietary market and 42,5% of the premium market. However, the
impact of the merger differs between the three relevant markets.
Hence the table above illustrates that the premerger SFW enjoyed a
significantly greater presence in the value segment (21,4%) than did its
erstwhile rival, Distillers (8,5%). This is also marked in the ‘prop’
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segment where Distillers (37,6%) – largely because of its commanding
presence in brandy – overshadowed SFW (7,7%). In the premium
segment, on the other hand, the premerger entities were, with SFW at
16,4% and Distillers at 26,1%, of similar size and so the accretion of
market share is greater than in respect of the other two segments,
although here too Distell owes the lion’s share of its position to
Distillers’ contribution.
177. One possible conclusion that might be drawn from these data is that
because the premerger value and proprietary markets were dominated
by SFW and Distillers respectively, competition has not been
substantially lessened by the merger. We are, however, inclined to
treat this argument cautiously – although the accretion, and hence the
‘lessening of competition’, may appear modest when a firm with very
large market share merges with a firm enjoying a smaller share, this
may, by the same token, reflect the removal of one of the few
remaining sources of competition.
178. This is of particular concern in a market structured along the lines of
the spirits markets that we are currently scrutinising. There is not, after
all, vibrant competition beyond the walls of Distell. In the value
segment there is Snell with a very large market share. In the
proprietary segment, GUDV looms very large indeed, Out of the total
spirits market (i.e. value, prop, and premium combined) GUDV is
estimated to have a market share of 23 29%. 28 Most of GUDV’s
products are in the prop and premium markets, including powerful
whisky brands (including J&B, Johnny Walker and Bell’s) and vodka
brands (Smirnoff) as well as smaller stakes in brandy, gin, and FABs.
This is graphically illustrated in Annexure ‘A’.
This is graphically illustrated in Annexure ‘A’.
179. In the context of this highly concentrated market structure even a
relatively small premerger market share may represent one of the last
hopes for robust competition.
180. The following two tables show the composition of the spirit portfolio of
each of the parties prior to the merger. The first of these tables
illustrates the particularly powerful position of the premerger Distillers
in proprietary and premium brandy brands. This contrasts with SFW’s
position as revealed in the succeeding table. SFW clearly did not, in
any of the other spirit categories, enjoy an equivalent position to that
held by its merger partner in brandy. It is, instead, more broadly
spread across the various liquor categories with noteworthy positions in
value white spirits and whisky as well as premium brandy.
28 Based on a submission by E. Snell & Co, which contains the 29% estimate. GUDV’s submission
contains the similar, albeit lower, number of 23%.
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Table 8 Distillers’ market share per liquor category
Distillers shares
per category
Brandy White spirits Whisky Rum* Total spirits
Value 16.2% 5.5% 3.1% 0.0% 8.5%
Proprietary 77.4% 27.9% 2.4% 0.0% 37.6%
Premium 46.1% 0.6% 3.5% 24.8% 26.1%
Source: Calculations based on AC Nielsen data
* Based on assumptions
Table 9 SFW’s market share per liquor category
SFW shares per
category
Brandy White spirits Whisky Rum* Total Spirits
Value 20.7% 28.4% 28.3% 0.0% 21.4%
Proprietary 11.0% 14.6% 0.0% 0.0% 7.7%
Premium 24.2% 0.0% 18.8% 0.0% 16.4%
Source: Calculations based on AC Nielsen data
* Based on assumptions
181. The following table shows the market shares in various spirit type /
price level categories of the merged entity.
Table 10 Distell’s market share per liquor category
Distell shares per
category
Brandy White
spirits
Whisky Rum* Total spirits
Value 36.9% 33.9% 31.4% 0.0% 29.9%
Proprietary 88.4% 42.6% 2.4% 0.0% 45.3%
Premium 70.2% 0.6% 22.3% 24.8% 42.5%
Source: Calculations based on AC Nielsen data
* Based on assumptions
182. In summary then, in the proprietary and premium spirit markets Distell
owes its position largely to Distillers’ dominance of the brandy
category. In the value segment Distell’s strength derives largely from
SFW’s contribution. The upshot is that while Distell’s market shares in
each of the relevant markets under scrutiny is, on the face of it, cause
for concern, this is somewhat ameliorated by an examination of the
relatively small additions to market share achieved in consequence of
the merger.
183. This inference – an inference that, we reiterate, is to be drawn with
considerable caution is reinforced by the fact that both of the parties
to this transaction had identical shareholders. While the transaction
clearly resulted in a change of control and hence required notification
and evaluation, it remains nevertheless that their identical ownership
and evaluation, it remains nevertheless that their identical ownership
structures undoubtedly compromised the intensity of premerger
competition between the parties.
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184. We are required, then, to examine additional features of the post
merger markets, before concluding definitively whether or not
competition has in fact been substantially lessened. We will show that
this further examination reveals that whereas in the value and premium
markets there is not a substantial lessening of competition, in the
proprietary market, on the other hand, competition is compromised by
the transaction. We will examine each of these in turn.
The value market
185. In the value segment Distell enjoys a market share of slightly under
30%. The bulk of this share – of the order of 21,4% was contributed
to the merged entity by SFW. The accretion is small but not
inconsequential – the merger is clearly removing a competitor of some
significance from the value segment.
186. However, there are other factors that ameliorate the impact of the
merger on competition.
187. Firstly, Distell is not the preeminent presence in this segment. This
position is clearly occupied by Snell which owns, inter alia, the most
successful brand in value whisky (First Watch), value brandy
(Wellington VO), value vodka (Russian Bear), value cane (Cape to Rio)
and value Gin (Strettons Deluxe Gin). Snell has, with considerable
success, focused on this low value segment. Snell has achieved its
powerful position in this market remarkably quickly and, although price
rather than branding has been the key determinant of market share in
this segment, it appears that it has managed to establish significant
brandy and whisky brands which has enabled it to charge a small
premium over its competitors’ brands in the value market.
188. However, margins in the value market are extremely tight. Indeed,
Snell’s success partly resided in the reluctance of established distillers
Snell’s success partly resided in the reluctance of established distillers
like Distell and GUDV to participate in this segment. Having
established a powerful beachhead in the low value market, Snell is now
attempting to migrate some of its successful value brands into the
proprietary market where margins are significantly greater.
189. Distell now appears determined to penetrate the value market. It is not
clear precisely why Distell has decided to enter this market, although
clearly Snell’s success and, particularly, the prospect that this may
ease its ability to penetrate the proprietary sector, must have
influenced Distell.
190. Distell’s entry into the value market clearly represents a significant
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threat to Snell. Not only does it represent a direct challenge to Snell on
its own terrain, but it increases the risk to Snell of migrating one of its
successful value brands into the proprietary market. Snell avers that
Distell requires the merger in order to successfully prevent entry to the
proprietary market. Snell argues that the value market with its low
margins represents a major challenge to a large company supporting a
relatively huge overhead structure. Snell argues that the merger will
enhance Distell’s market power in the high value proprietary and
premium market segments and that the additional returns gleaned from
the transaction will subsidise its penetration of the value segment. Snell
effectively suggests that the merger will enable Distell to engage in
predatory behaviour in the value segment cushioned by the returns on
its dominant position in the proprietary and premium segments. Snell
argues that aided by its predatory capacity, Distell will ultimately
triumph in the value market, while simultaneously preventing Snell from
moving its established value brands into the proprietary segment.
Upon successfully driving its competitors, notably Snell, out of the
value segment, Distell will desert that low margin segment in favour of
a committed presence in the prop and premium markets having further
limited the prospect of new entry in those segments.
191. However, while we accept that aspects of this scenario are plausible,
we do not believe that this portends a lessening of competition in the
value segment. On the contrary, it will raise the competitive
temperature in that segment. Snell has already demonstrated an
ability to raise somewhat the prices of its key brands in the value
segment and this will be constrained by Distell’s entry into that market.
segment and this will be constrained by Distell’s entry into that market.
We do not accept the argument that this will ultimately enable Distell to
exercise market power in the value segment. Snell remains a robust
competitor in that segment and even if Distell enjoys considerable
success in the value market, low entry barriers, clearly established by
Snell’s proven ability to establish itself there, will constrain any exercise
of market power by Distell, just as it already constrains Snell.
192. We should underline our view that entry barriers in this segment are
low principally because, in contrast with the other two market
segments, penetration of the value market does not presuppose the
considerable expense and lead times required in brand building.
193. We should also note that even though we have ultimately elected to
exclude wine from our relevant market definition in the value segment,
we are persuaded that the unusually significant production of low value
wine in South Africa, will nevertheless constrain pricing practices in the
value segment, a segment where price, above all, determines
consumer behaviour.
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194. We accordingly find that the merger will not result in a substantial
lessening of competition in the value spirits market.
The proprietary market
195. However, as already indicated, we are less sanguine regarding the
outlook for competition in the proprietary segment.
196. Distell’s postmerger market share in this sector is considerable. We
accept that Distillers enjoyed a considerable premerger market share
of this segment. However, the merger with SFW has added important
brands to the Distillers’ armoury, notably the brandy brands, Martell 5
Star and Mellow Wood 5, and Mainstay cane and vodka.
197. Crucially, an analysis of key competitive drivers in this segment, does
not, in contrast with the value segment, ameliorate our concerns. We
refer in particular to our conclusions regarding barriers to entry and the
dynamic features of the market.
198. Barriers to entry in the proprietary spirits market are significant. In
particular, successful penetration of this sector clearly requires
considerable investment in brand building. Snell’s concerns and the
difficulties it has experienced in entering this market are clear evidence
of this. Distell’s concern, to keep all of its brands out the hands of its
competitors – as evidenced by its resolute defence of its license to
distribute the Martell brand – is a further indication of the importance of
brand recognition for entry into this segment. Clearly, the owners of
the agency brands fear that Distell would use its distribution licence to
undermine the brand before it reverts to its owner.
199. Note also that in this segment although successful branding is, in
contrast with the value segment, important and the higher margins
available in this segment are testament to this, the margins appear to
be significantly lower than in the premium segment. The upshot of this
be significantly lower than in the premium segment. The upshot of this
is that for successful penetration of the proprietary segment not only is
investment in branding important but high volumes are crucial as well.
It appears that a premium brand earns such high margins that it is
wholly possible to sustain market entry on the basis of very low sales
volumes. Where the proprietary brands are concerned it appears that
not only must the brands be solid, but they must also achieve
considerable sales volumes. This is graphically depicted in Annexure
A. This twin requirement makes for very high barriers to entry indeed.
200. We have also considered the dynamic features of this market. In this
respect, FABs are the most significant element in our consideration.
Both the pricing level and the ‘extrinsics’ associated with FABs, ensure
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that the ‘demographics’ of its consumers overlap with those of the
consumers of proprietary spirits brands. While we have declined, after
substantial consideration, to include FABs in the relevant market, we
nevertheless do believe that they are capable of acting as a
considerable influence on the behaviour of participants in the
proprietary spirits market. Many of the strongest FABs are, after all,
simply ‘readytodrink’ spirits, mixed spirits. Others – for example, the
cider FABs are likely to act as something of a bridge between spirits
and beer, while, still others are clearly designed to appeal to wine
consumers. FABs are thus significant not merely because certain of the
products in this market may already be in direct competition with spirits
but because others may ultimately come to build bridges between
spirits and wine, and, even, spirits and beer. Part of the extraordinary
success of the FABs category is undoubtedly attributable to its ability to
draw new consumers – women, it is suggested into the alcoholic
beverages market. But it is equally clear that FABs draws a significant
measure of its support from the ranks of spirits, beer and wine
consumers.
201. Just as we have determined that inexpensive wine may influence
competitive behaviour in the value segment, so, are we satisfied, that
FABs similarly influence the behaviour of participants in the proprietary
segment. However, far from ameliorating our concerns regarding the
impact on competition, this factor serves to exacerbate our concerns.
Distell enjoys a very powerful position in the FABs market a market
share of 70.8% in 2000 and 61.8% in 2001. Had we elected to include
FABs in the relevant market, Distell’s market share would have been
considerably larger, rising, we estimate, to 51,8% of the prop spirits
considerably larger, rising, we estimate, to 51,8% of the prop spirits
and FABs market.
202. We accordingly find that the merger will substantially lessen
competition in the proprietary spirits market.
The premium market
203. Distell’s postmerger market share in the premium spirits market is
substantial and the accretion is notably larger than in any other
segment. Moreover, the relatively affluent consumers in this category
are more likely to conform to the brand, category and occasionloyal
customer stereotype identified by the Commission than is any other
group of consumers. However, by the same token they are particularly
sophisticated and wellinformed consumers, characteristics that enable
them to resist more easily attempts to exercise market power.
204. We note also that certain of the key Distell brands in the premium
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market are agency brands. We refer to Martell VO brandy and Scottish
Leader whisky. Martell VO is the most successful brand in the premium
brandy stable, commanding a 24.2% share on its own, compared to
Oude Meester with 23.2%. Scottish Leader is SFW’s only premium
Scotch (with a premium whisky market share of 18.8%), which is added
to Distillers modest sales of Glenfiddich (3.5% of premium whisky
sales), itself an agency brand. Distell’s licenses to distribute Martell VO
and Scottish Leader are both subject to sales targets and periodic
renegotiation. This not only renders Distell’s competitive position
vulnerable to the multinational owners of those brands should they
choose to enter the South African market directly – and the lengthy
court battles over both the key brandy and gin brands that Distell
distributes is indicative of precisely this intention – but it also means
that, should we find a substantial lessening of competition in this
market, there is no readily available remedy. Certainly, it would not be
possible for us to order Distell to dispose of a brand that it does not
own.
205. Brands are allpowerful in the premium market and they are owned by
powerful multinationals. Brands are, as already noted, also important in
the proprietary market but here South African brands – notably,
although not exclusively, brand brands – are a significant presence.
However, in the premium market there is, to our knowledge, not a
single South African brand of note. Even a company with the resources
commanded by Distell would have difficulty developing a new premium
brand of whisky or brandy or any of the white spirits. Accordingly
Distell is only likely to advance in this market through the medium of
Distell is only likely to advance in this market through the medium of
additional agency agreements. This, as we have already indicated, is
only feasible if the large multinational brand owners do not wish to
exploit the South African market directly.
206. Moreover, even if the multinational brand owners prefer an agency
arrangement with a South African distributor, Distell is, by no means,
the only effective distribution agent available in this country and there is
no reason to expect that a large multinational would favour Distell,
potentially a competitor in the international market, over other efficient
South African distributors such as Snell or DGB. The relationship that
has developed between Snell and Brown and Forman, the US based
owner of, inter alia, Jack Daniels, the powerful premium whiskey brand,
is evidence of this. The existence of these effective local distribution
channels coupled with the importance of wellestablished brands
means that entry into the premium market is relatively easy.
207. We accordingly find that the transaction is not likely to cause a
substantial lessening of competition in the premium spirits
market.
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208. In summary we have determined that the transaction will result in a
substantial lessening of competition in the proprietary spirits market
only.
Countervailing Efficiency Gains
209. We are, in the event of an adverse finding on competition grounds,
obliged to examine whether there are any efficiency gains arising from
the merger that would outweigh the negative impact on competition.
The parties have presented us with a massive quantity of evidence
regarding efficiencies. The Commission has disputed much of this
evidence – in particular it has argued that many of the efficiencies
claimed could have been achieved without merging the two entities.
210. However, we do not believe that a finding on efficiencies is necessary
in this instance. In our view, the efficiency defence is intended to
resurrect an anticompetitive merger that, absent the claimed efficiency
gains, may fall to be prohibited. This is clearly not contemplated in this
instance. We have found a substantial lessening of competition in one
of the many markets implicated in this transaction. Any potential
remedy imposed, whether behavioural or structural, will be confined to
that market compromised by this transaction. It is well nigh impossible
to isolate the efficiency gains that refer to this market specifically,
although, suffice to say that we are firmly of the view that none of the
efficiencies claimed will be sacrificed by this finding or by any of the
remedies that flow from it. Accordingly, this will not be examined
further.
Public Interest
Introduction
211. In this case both the merging parties and the unions have relied on the
public interest grounds set out in the Act in section 12 A (3). That
section states:
section states:
When determining whether a merger can or cannot be justified on
public interest grounds, the Competition Commission or the
Competition Tribunal must consider the effect that the merger will have
on –
a) a particular industrial sector or region;
b) employment;
c) the ability of small businesses, or firms controlled or owned by
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historically disadvantaged persons, to become competitive; and
d) the ability of national industries to compete in international markets.
212. The parties rely on subparagraphs (a) and (d) of subsection (3) they
state in broad terms that the merger creates an internationally
competitive firm and, ironically, relying on what some of their
competitors have stated during the hearing, and a submission from the
DTI, that the merged firm will be good for the industry as a whole. 29
This they assert justifies the merger on substantial public interest
grounds.
213. The unions rely on subparagraph (b) of subsection (3) and assert that
job losses occasioned by the merger are so great that they will have an
adverse effect on employment and hence this justifies its prohibition on
public interest grounds.
214. Thus the public interest asserted pulls us in opposing directions.
However, the legislation expressly allows for this. Just as the legislation
may allow the public interest to resurrect a merger that will harm
competition it also contemplates a situation where a public interest
ground may justify the prohibition of a merger even if a merger does
not have an anticompetitive effect. 30
215. All of this presupposes that we have determined what the public
interest is and that it is not, to borrow a phrase from Robert Bork, a
“policy at war with itself”.
216. In this case, multiple public interest grounds are implicated which
suggest contradictory outcomes.
217. How do we approach this contradiction? In the first place each public
interest ground asserted, should be viewed in isolation to see if it is
29 Paras 359360 and 363, parties’ written heads of argument. “Mirroring the view of Mr. Hutchinson,
Edward Snell & Co Ltd (‘Snell’) stated in its submission to the Commission that the merger was not
itself a bad thing and that: ‘it could be deemed highly desirable for our country and for the wine and
spirits industry as a whole, to have a local, globally competitive, profitable and visionary business
leading the industry.’ Mr. Hooper, the managing director of Snell repeated this view at the Tribunal
hearing. He stated that: ‘for the South African liquor industry to have a globally competitive business
heading up the industry, given the aggregations that have taken place internationally, in itself is not a
bad thing.’ Most significantly, the Department of Trade and Industry (‘DTI’) (which may, in terms of
section 18(1) of the Act make representations on any public interest ground referred to in Section 12A
(3)) has also endorsed the role of Distell as charting the way for South African alcoholic beverages in
the international market. In its submission dated 21 May 2002, the DTI supported the unconditional
approval of the merger and stated the following in its recommendations: ‘From an industry and
enterprise development point of view, it is noted that the merger will substantially improve the
international market presence of the South African wine and spirits industry’.
30 This is the effect of the word “otherwise” in Section 12A(1)(b) when read with 12A (3)(b).
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substantial. Assuming that the answer to that is in the affirmative and
that more than one ground exists which contradicts the other/s we
need to see, first, if they can be reconciled and, if not, we must then
balance them and come to a net conclusion.
218. The language of subsection 12A(1)(b) states:
“..otherwise, determine whether the merger can or cannot be justified
on substantial public interest grounds by assessing the factors set out
in subsection (3).”
219. This language is consistent with both a balancing approach and a
reconciliation approach and we therefore need not choose between
either.
220. In most cases, however, we suspect that balancing will be unnecessary
as is illustrated by the facts of this case.
221. This is because a contradiction can be of two types. One is when the
opposite interests collide head on, like two medieval knights in a
jousting contest where only one can emerge as the victor and continue
his course. This is where we are faced with a stark choice of whether to
prohibit or to approve.
222. The other situation is where the opposite interests avoid one another
like two vehicles bypassing each other in opposite directions on a dual
lane road. They pass one another without affecting their respective
opposite courses.
223. In this case, unless we find that the employment grounds justify
prohibition, the unions’ public interest and those of the parties do not
collide hence we have no jousting contest and the opposing interests
can travel past one another on the road in their separate lanes.
224. We will examine the employment claims first.
225. Since this transaction was first made known to them, the unions,
FAWU and NUFBWSAWU, have been concerned about the numbers
of jobs that would be lost. The unions were, for this reason, active
of jobs that would be lost. The unions were, for this reason, active
participants in the litigation that took place over notification that we
referred to earlier in the background section. The unions also
intervened in these present proceedings and, with the consent of the
merging parties, were present throughout the hearing, put questions to
certain witness and made legal submissions.
226. The parties’ evidence is that the actual employment effects are minimal
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and offer the following statistics.
227. Prior to the merger, as at 30 June 2000, the total number of employees
at both firms was 5828.Once final production decisions had been
implemented, which would determine the extent of job losses, 1 882
jobs were lost. Of these only 1414 represented actual terminations, the
balance representing either jobs that were frozen or not filled once they
became vacant or whose occupants were reassigned to other
positions in the Distell group. Thus according to Distell the effective job
loss figure is 1 414 and that included in this figure are 630 people who
accepted voluntary retirement and 621 who accepted voluntary
retrenchment. This left a remainder of 164 people who were forcibly
retrenched.
228. Distell goes on further to state that only 16 of the 164 employees
forcibly retrenched, challenged this action and declared a dispute.
Some cases have been settled, but to date those that have proceeded
for determination have all been resolved in favour of Distell.
229. Distell also details a lengthy process of negotiation and consultation
with unions over the retrenchments. It states that the retrenchment
package, which included payment of four weeks pay for every year of
service, exceeded the minimum requirement of the law (one week) and
the previous policy of both companies (two weeks). The unions insisted
on six weeks.
230. Given this factual background, Distell argues that once one has
properly analysed the effects of the terminations one should only take
into account the 164 forced job losses, and that this number in the
context of the overall merger, does not constitute a substantial public
interest ground for prohibiting the merger.
231. The unions did not dispute Distell’s figures or its claim to have followed
the procedures outlined above, but they are less sanguine about the
the procedures outlined above, but they are less sanguine about the
prospects of those who took voluntary packages and whom Distell has
accordingly removed from the ranks of those adversely affected by the
merger. Many employees, argue the unions, took the voluntary
package because they believed they had no other choice or needed
the money in the short term. Accordingly, they should still be
considered as having been adversely affected by the transaction. With
the inclusion of this class of employee the numbers of employees
adversely affected by the merger is significantly increased and the
impact on the public interest concomitantly larger. 31
31 However, Distell take this analysis, whose point of departure is to look at the real motive of
the employee exercising the choice, and turns it on its head. Distell argues that many
employees offered retrenchment refused initially as a holdout strategy as they knew they
would continue to be paid whilst their dispute was resolved and that they would still collect the
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232. We have in previous decisions indicated that we do not exercise our
public interest determinations in a void. 32 Parliament has in many
instances enacted legislation that deals quite specifically with the
issues referred to in section 12 A (3) and employment is no exception.
Indeed we observed in the Shell/Tepco case that in many respects our
jurisdiction in these areas is secondary, as these other statutes and the
institutions that they create, are better placed and resourced to deal
directly and effectively with these issues than are we, given that our
discretion is described in section 12 (A) (3) at a high level of
abstraction and generality. 33
233. In this case the unions are asking us to consider prohibiting the merger
on public interest grounds and, alternatively, to consider a more
generous package to those employees who are to be retrenched. They
further argue that if we impose a divestment remedy that it be made a
condition of such divestiture that the affected employees are
transferred with the assets.
234. Let us take the alternative request first. If we are to second guess the
fairness of the retrenchments and the appropriateness of the package
offered we would be doing precisely what we have previously said we
should not – acting as a second hand regulator, post facto, when the
appropriate body, on the evidence before us, has already made
determinations and was in a better position to do so.
235. The first request, that is, that the merger be prohibited because it has
an adverse effect on employment amounting to a substantial public
interest ground is more difficult to evaluate.
236. Beyond requiring that public interest grounds be “ substantial” before
they qualify for assessment, the legislation offers no criteria as a
they qualify for assessment, the legislation offers no criteria as a
yardstick for their evaluation, unlike with the competition evaluation,
where criteria are enumerated in section 12A(2).
237. Our previous approach, although not expressly articulated in this way,
has been to suggest that, where there are other appropriate legislative
instruments to redress the public interest, we must be cognisant of
them in determining what is left for us to do before we can consider
whether the residual public interest, that is that part of the public
same package that those who had accepted voluntary retrenchment had got, even if it was
resolved against them. On this approach the number adversely affected may even be less
than 164.
32See Unilever Plc and other and Robertson’s Foods Pty Ltd and others (CT 55/LM/Sep01 4 April
2002 at paragraph 43 and Shell South Africa (Pty)Ltd and Tepco Petroleum (Pty)Ltd (CT 66/LM/Oct
01 22 February 2002) at paragraph 58.
33 Large merger between Shell & Tepco, Competition Tribunal decision: 66/LM/Oct01.
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interest not susceptible to or better able to be dealt with under another
law, is substantial.
238. Thus in the case where the public interest asserted is employment, if it
could be demonstrated that the merger specific employment effects are
so adverse and that no other law or regulator can remedy them, then
we would be obliged to intervene to either prohibit or set conditions on
an approval.
239. In this case we are advised that, at worst, the merger specific
employment losses are 1 414 jobs, if we accept the unions argument
that all voluntary retirements and retrenchments should be counted. On
the other hand if Distell is right and only forced retrenchments are
counted the employment effect may be less than 164.
240. How many jobs must be lost before one has grounds for a substantial
public interest? The legislature wisely does not seek to answer that for
us, nor can we assume that it should be a uniform figure for all mergers
it would depend on the context. In the context of this merger Distell
maintains that the total jobs lost 164 on its approach is less than 3 %
of the aggregate premerger work force. 34
241. If, however we take the total number of jobs lost, forced and voluntary,
then that figure becomes 24% certainly significant.
242. However, we know that even if this figure is significant the test is not
the number of jobs lost but the substantial effect on employment. That
means that the effect can be ameliorated by a retrenchment package
and not simply job retention. The package offered by Distell seems
reasonable measured against the requirements of the law and its own
past practice. The fact that only 16 employees disputed the final
package, out of the 1414 terminated, suggests that by and large
employees felt the same way. In our view, although the loss of jobs is
significant, the overwhelming acceptance of voluntary retirement and
significant, the overwhelming acceptance of voluntary retirement and
retrenchment packages has lessened the adverse effects and we
cannot conclude that on balance the final effect on employment
constitutes a substantial public interest ground that would justify
prohibition of the merger.
243. The fact that the reasonableness of the package was a subject of
protracted negotiation and that when opposed by some employees,
subsequent adjudication by a specialist body has, on all occasions to
date, found in favour of the company, suggests that there are also no
grounds for us to impose, in the public interest, any further condition on
34 Distell state that even if the merger had not proceeded there would have been job losses as SFW
was planning to downsize its distribution and sales functions, although they given no figures for this.
(See C 280)
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the company.
244. The remaining question of whether we should insist that employment
obligations should follow any divestment will be deferred to our
remedies hearing.
Conclusion on Public Interest
245. Here there are potentially two stages of balancing. First within the
public interest category, recall the choice of approaches between the
joust versus the bypass. The second depends on whether we come to
the conclusion that a substantial public interest has emerged in which
case we must decide whether that would alter our conclusion on the
competition grounds (Section 12 A (2)).
246. In respect of the first stage, it is not necessary for us, given our finding
on the employment issues, to consider the parties’ public interest
claims as we are not faced with the need to balance or reconcile
multiple public interest claims – that is, the employment consequences
of the transaction have not led to an adverse finding on public interest
grounds and, so, do not have to be balanced against any positive
impact that may be found on the parties’ public interest claim.
247. Moreover, we do not need to evaluate the parties public interest claim
because, even if it did qualify for recognition, it would not alter the
outcome of our finding on the competitive criteria we have determined
that the merger should not be prohibited on competition criteria and
hence considerations that, like the public interest claim, go to
resurrection are not pertinent.
248. Note also that the public interest benefits to the industry and the
country that the parties claim are not negated by any conditional
remedies that might be imposed in the affected markets, and, hence,
no evaluation of them is needed if no balancing is required between the
no evaluation of them is needed if no balancing is required between the
competitive concerns and the public interest asserted. The same
justification for our not evaluating the alleged efficiency gains is equally
applicable here.
Finding
249. We find that the transaction will result in a substantial lessening of
competition in the proprietary spirits market. For the reasons outlined
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above, this finding is not affected by considerations of efficiency or
public interest.
19 March 2003
D. Lewis Date
Concurring: M Holden and N Manoim
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Annexure A
61