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[2011] ZAEQC 2
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Afri-Forum and Another v Malema and Others (20968/2010) [2011] ZAEQC 2; 2011 (6) SA 240 (EqC); [2011] 4 All SA 293 (EqC); 2011 (12) BCLR 1289 (EqC) (12 September 2011)
IN THE
EQUALITY COURT, JOHANNESBURG
REPORTABLE
CASE NO
:
20968/2010
DATE:12/09/2011
In the matter between:
AFRI-FORUM
.........................................................................
First
Complainant
TAU
SA
.............................................................................
Second
Complainant
and
JULIUS
SELLO MALEMA
…..................................................
First
Respondent
AFRICAN
NATIONAL CONGRESS
.................................
Second
Complainant
VERENIGING
VAN REGSLUI VIR AFRIKAANS
.....................
Amicus
Curiae
J U D G M E N T
LAMONT, J
:
[1] This is a
matter which comes before me in the Equality
Court.
It concerns social conflict arising out of alleged hate speech. To
understand the social interaction of the groups within
society it is
necessary to briefly set out some historical facts. The legislation
is initially set out in general terms to provide
the legislative
foundation within which the hate speech legislation operates.
THE BOERS
[2] Several centuries ago people
commenced and since then have continued emigrating to the Republic
from Europe and elsewhere.
They brought with them their languages,
cultures, moralities, laws and customs. Immigrants from Europe
gained control of the
country. They were able to and did to a large
extent impose the norms customs and morality of their former
societies upon other
inhabitants of the Republic. The recognised
laws in the Republic became their laws.
[3] Their morality did not
recognize others as having rights of any significance. They proceeded
to trample upon the rights of
others and seize control of the assets
of the Republic for themselves.
[4] A faction of the immigrants
who had their origin in Holland, France and Germany banded together
at a point in time in consequence
of conflict between European
factions. This faction (known as Boers) in the pursuit of freedom
left the community of European
settlers and went to live on their
own. They established independent republics in which it was proposed
by them that they would
express and pursue their economic, political
and social ambitions. Those republics at a point in time were
compelled to surrender
to European forces. Notwithstanding their
defeat, the zeal of that band and their ideal of pursuing their
freedom remained intact.
The Boers were able to seize control after
the elections held during the late 1940’s and today are
identified as a community
or set of persons calling themselves Boere
or Afrikaners.
[5] Demonstrating excessive zeal
and rigid in their demands for freedom the Boere pursued a policy of
apartheid so as to maintain
their political freedom. That policy at
the time the community commenced practising it had deep-seated
longstanding recognition
in the Republic. Ever since the first
immigrants had arrived from Europe they had had no regard for the
rights, social, political,
economic or otherwise of other persons
inhabiting the Republic. The Boer numbers were fewer than those of
other communities.
They would have been defeated at democratically
held elections. Apartheid was the only way to retain control and
power. This policy
was pursued without regard for the growing clamour
worldwide that it be discontinued and that the rights of others be
recognised.
It was pursued ruthlessly and with violence sanctioned
by the regime. The violence involved violence to dignity, freedom
and
economic standing of people. Every facet of life was affected and
tainted. Its pursuit involved the conferring of privileges upon
other
Boere. Ultimately the regime became identified with the Boere who
virtually, exclusively, controlled the implementation
of the policy.
THE ANC
[6] During the early part of the
twentieth century, members of the oppressed groups began banding
together. They banded together
under the auspices of organisations
which broadly speaking became united as the present African National
Congress (ANC).
[7] The ANC represented what has
colloquially been referred to as the suppressed majority. The
suppressed majority largely comprised
black persons who were
disenfranchised politically; economically stripped of wealth and
subjected to ill-treatment at the hands
of the government of the day.
[8] The policy of the ANC
originally was non-violent. With the passage of time and the
increasing frustration of its members, the
ANC eventually formulated
a policy which included violence as an option. At all times the
policy was that, as far as possible,
the violence be directed to the
actual oppressor (the physical manifestation of the government) and
that civilians be spared attack.
The members of the ANC, who were
involved in violence, euphemistically referred to it as the struggle.
The members of the ANC who
participated in the struggle were drawn
from all walks of life and comprised civilians. There was no known
army wearing a uniform.
In consequence of this, the government
directed its attacks against civilians. Not all civilians were
however participants in the
struggle. Any member of the oppressed
group was perceived as “
the
enemy
” by the
government. With the passage of time, the frustrations and anger of
persons belonging to the suppressed majority,
the members of the ANC
and non-combatants who suffered attacks, increased.
[9] In
Dutoit
v Minister of Safety and Security
2010 (1) SACR 1
para 17
the period was described as a
time when there was a deeply divided society characterised by gross
violations of fundamental human
rights.
Langa CJ referred to the words of
Mahomed DP in
Azapo v
President of the
RSA
[1996] ZA CC 16.
“
Most
of the acts of brutality and torture which have taken place have
occurred during an era in which neither the laws which permitted
the
incarceration of persons or the investigation of crimes, nor the
methods and the culture which informed such investigations,
were
easily open to public investigation, verification and correction.
Much of what transpired in this shameful period is shrouded
in
secrecy and not easily capable of objective demonstration and proof.
Loved ones have disappeared, sometimes mysteriously and
most of them
no longer survive to tell their tales. Others have had their freedom
invaded, their dignity assaulted or their reputations
tarnished by
grossly unfair imputations hurled in the fire and the cross-fire of
a deep and wounding obscurity in our history.
Records are not
easily accessible; witnesses are often unknown, dead, unavailable or
unwilling. All that often effectively remains
is the truth of
wounded memories of loved ones sharing instinctive suspicions, deep
and traumatising to the survivors but otherwise
incapable of
translating themselves into objective and corroborative evidence
which could survive the rigours of the law.' [18]
What followed was
a negotiated transition premised on the need for the transformation
of society and the building of bridges
across racial, gender, class
and ideological divides. The epilogue to the interim Constitution
identifies it as an 'historic
bridge between the past of a deeply
divided society characterised by strife, conflict, untold suffering
and injustice, and a
future founded on the recognition of human
rights, democracy and peaceful co-existence'. It goes on to state
that:
'The pursuit of national
unity, the well-being of all South African citizens and peace
require reconciliation between the people
of South Africa and the
reconstruction of society.'
By adopting that
Constitution the nation signalled its commitment to reconciliation
and national unity, and its realisation
that many of the unjust
consequences of the past can never be fully reversed but that it
would nevertheless be necessary to 'close
the book' on the past”.
THE AGREEMENT
[10] The agreement between the
various communities became the Constitution of the Republic. The
preamble to the Constitution which
sets out the intention of the
parties to the settlement provides:
“
Preamble
We, the people of South Africa,
Recognise the injustices of our past;
Honour those who suffered for justice and freedom in our land;
Respect those who have worked to build and develop our country;
and
Believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in
our diversity.
We therefore, through our freely elected representatives, adopt
this Constitution as the supreme law of the Republic so as to—
Heal the divisions of the past and establish a society based on
democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights;
Lay the foundations for a democratic and open society in which
government is based on the will of the people and every citizen is
equally protected by law;
Improve the quality of life of all citizens and free the potential
of each person; and
Build a united and democratic South Africa able to take its
rightful place as a sovereign state in the family of nations.
May God protect our people.
Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika. Morena boloka setjhaba sa heso.
God seën Suid-Afrika. God bless South Africa.
Mudzimu
fhatutshedza Afurika. Hosi katekisa Afrika.
”
THE
CONSEQUENCE
[
11] Consequent
upon the agreement between the groups, people who had lived lives
separately from each other, who had hurt, tormented
and degraded each
other and who in particular, were not accustomed to each other in any
way commenced associating and interacting
with each other. Persons
previously comprising the privileged essentially white grouping were
suddenly, as equals, compelled to
associate with persons who they
neither know nor had interest in, persons they did not understand;
persons from whom they had been
isolated by force and law; persons
who had been derided and degraded by them previously. Persons who
had been oppressed similarly
were, as equals, entitled and required
to interact as equals with people who had previously abused them,
stripped them of their
dignity and denied them their rights. All
persons were compelled to interact as a unified society at social,
political and economic
levels. The re-adjustment of society required
individuals of the groups to reprogram themselves and their conduct.
They had to
deal with each other on a different basis. Historic
customs and practices had to be reconsidered and re-adjusted to
accord with
the newly introduced requirements which the State imposed
on society in the form of the Constitution. All facets of life were
affected.
[1
2]
Certain members of society readily embraced the concept of a new
society and sought actively to comply with its demands. Others
found
it difficult to re-adjust and difficult to give up practices and
customs which they held near and dear. Extreme social conflict
resulted from the transformation. It continues till this day and on
the evidence before me will continue for some time. Notwithstanding
the conflict occasioned by transformation there has been little
physical violence in the process. There can be no transformation
without pain. Individuals transform at different rates. Anger and
discontent feed on change and pain.
The
Constitution has recognised the need to put in place mechanisms to
overcome reluctance to change and conduct regarded as inappropriate
in the new society. The Constitution needed to do this as many
members of society in the course of transformation of rights, lost
the foundation of history which guided their judgment. They found
themselves unable to rely on their existing customs and morality
as
founding the basis upon which they could exercise their judgment to
determine appropriate conduct in the new society.
[1
3]
The Constitution and the related legislation it invokes provide the
framework to be used to alleviate and overcome the friction
resulting
from change. It does this in the present context by providing the
standards society is to adhere to as also the mechanism
in the form
of
inter
alia
the Equality Act to assist society to determine conduct which is
acceptable.
THE PRO
VISIONS
OF THE CONSTITUTION TO BE CONSIDERED
[1
4] The
Constitution provides in section 2 that the Constitution is the
supreme law of the Republic; law or conduct inconsistent
with it is
invalid. The obligations imposed by it must be fulfilled. The
Constitution in Chapter 2 contains a Bill of Rights setting
out the
various rights of application within the Republic. Section 8 provides
for the Bill of Rights to be applicable to all law
and to be binding
on the legislature, the executive, the judiciary and all organs
of
State. The Bill of Rights binds, in terms of section 8(2) of the
Constitution, a natural or juristic person if and to the extent
that
it is applicable taking into account the nature of the right and the
nature of any duty imposed by the right. Section 8(4)
of the
Constitution provides that a juristic person is entitled to the
rights in the Bill of Rights to the extent required by the
nature of
the rights and the nature of that juristic person. A Court is
enjoined in section 8(3) of the Constitution to apply
or if necessary
develop the common law to the extent that legislation does not give
effect to the right in question. It permits
a Court to develop rules
of common law to limit the right in certain circumstance.
[
15] In
applying the Constitution, the Court must have regard to all the
various bodies of law which contribute towards intercommunity
peace
and harmony and which lay the basis for a democratic dispensation.
Each community within society, ethnic, religious, commercial
or
otherwise, is regarded as a permanent and valuable segment of the
plural society in which South Africans live. The domestic
law must
be applied. To the extent that domestic law incorporates
provisions
of Treaties concluded by the Republic, such law must be considered.
FOREIGN AND INTERNATIONAL LAW
[1
6]
The Court is required by the Constitution itself also to have regard
to foreign and international law. Sections 231 to 233 of
the
Constitution read as follows:
“
231. International
agreements.—(1) The negotiating and signing of all
international agreements is the
responsibility of the national
executive.
(2) An international agreement binds the Republic only
after it has been approved by resolution in both the National
Assembly and the National Council of Provinces, unless it is an
agreement referred to in subsection (3).
(3) An international agreement of a technical,
administrative or executive nature, or an agreement which does not
require
either ratification or accession, entered into by the
national executive, binds the Republic without approval by the
National Assembly
and the National Council of Provinces, but must be
tabled in the Assembly and the Council within a reasonable time.
(4) Any international agreement becomes law in the
Republic when it is enacted into law by national legislation; but a
self-executing provision of an agreement that has been approved by
Parliament is law in the Republic unless it is inconsistent
with the
Constitution or an Act of Parliament.
(5) The Republic is bound by international agreements
which were binding on the Republic when this Constitution took
effect.
232. Customary international law.—Customary
international law is law in the Republic unless it is inconsistent
with the Constitution or an Act of Parliament.
233. Application
of international law.—When interpreting any legislation, every
Court must prefer any reasonable
interpretation of the legislation
that is consistent with international law over any alternative
interpretation that is inconsistent
with international law
.”
Section 39(1) of the Constitution
provides that when the Bill of Rights is interpreted the Courts may
consider foreign law.
[17] When Courts rely on foreign
law, they must be careful to recognise the differences between the
South African law and the foreign
law in question. See
S
v Mamabolo
(ETV
and Others Intervening)
[2001] ZACC 17
;
2001 (3) SA 409
(CC) paras [40] and [41].
UBUNTU
[18] In the epilogue to the
interim Constitution (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa
Act 200 of 1993) the concept of ubuntu
was recognised. This concept
was not repeated in the current Constitution. This notwithstanding,
there are a number of ubuntu-based
judgments. An ubuntu-based
jurisprudence has been developed particularly by the Constitutional
Court. Ubuntu is recognised as being
an important source of law
within the context of strained or broken relationships amongst
individuals or communities and as an
aid for providing remedies which
contribute towards more mutually acceptable remedies for the parties
in such cases. Ubuntu is
a concept which:
is to be contrasted with vengeance;
dictates that a high value be placed on the life of a human being;
is inextricably linked to the
values of and which places a high premium on dignity, compassion,
humaneness and respect for humanity
of another;
dictates a shift from confrontation to mediation and conciliation;
dictates good attitudes and
shared concern;
favours the re-establishment of
harmony in the relationship between parties and that such harmony
should restore the dignity of
the plaintiff without ruining the
defendant;
favours restorative rather than retributive justice;
operates in a direction favouring reconciliation rather than
estrangement of disputants;
works towards sensitising a
disputant or a defendant in litigation to the hurtful impact of his
actions to the other party and
towards changing such conduct rather
than merely punishing the disputant;
promotes mutual understanding
rather than punishment;
favours face-to-face encounters of disputants with a view to
facilitating differences being resolved rather than conflict and
victory for the most powerful;
favours civility and civilised dialogue premised on mutual
tolerance.
See
S
v Makwanyane and Another
1995 (3) SA 191
(CC) (para [131], [225], [250], [307]);
Port
Elizabeth Municipality v Various Occupiers
2005 (1) SA 517
(CC) at para [37];
Dikoko
v Mokatla
2006 (6) SA
235
(CC) at paras [68]-[69], [112] and [115]-[116];
Masethla
v President of RSA
[2007] ZACC 20
;
2008 (1) SA 566
(CC) at para
[238]
. See also
Union
of Refugee Women v Private Security Industry Regulatory Authority
2007 (4) SA 395
(CC);
Hoffmann
v South African Airways
2001 (1) SA 1
(CC) (para [38]);
Barkhuizen
v Napier
[2007] ZACC 5
;
2007 (5) SA
323
(CC) (para [50]);
Bhe
and Others v Magistrate Khayelitsha and
Others
[2004] ZACC 17
;
2005 (1) SA 580
(CC) at paras [45] and [163].
THE CONSTITUTION ON THE ISSUE
[
19] The
Constitution provides for equality:
“
9. Equality.—(1) Everyone
is equal before the law and has the right to equal protection and
benefit
of the law.
(2) Equality includes the full and equal enjoyment of
all rights and freedoms. To promote the achievement of equality,
legislative and other measures designed to protect or advance
persons, or categories of persons, disadvantaged by unfair
discrimination
may be taken.
(3) The state may not unfairly discriminate directly or
indirectly against anyone on one or more grounds, including race,
gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin,
colour, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience,
belief, culture, language and birth.
(4)* No person may unfairly discriminate directly or
indirectly against anyone on one or more grounds in terms of
subsection
(3). National legislation must be enacted to prevent or
prohibit unfair discrimination.
(5) Discrimination
on one or more of the grounds listed in subsection (3) is unfair
unless it is established that the
discrimination is fair.
”
[
20]
The Constitution in section 16 provides for freedom of expression:
“
16. Freedom
of expression.—(1) Everyone has the right to freedom
of expression, which includes—
(a) freedom
of the
Press
and other media;
(b) freedom
to receive or impart information or ideas;
(c) freedom
of artistic creativity; and
(d) academic
freedom and freedom of scientific research.
(2) The right in subsection (1) does not extend to—
(a) propaganda for war;
(b) incitement
of imminent violence; or
(c) advocacy
of hatred that is based on race, ethnicity, gender or religion, and
that constitutes incitement to cause harm.
”
[21] Section 12(1)(c) of the
Constitution provides for freedom and security in these terms:
“
12(1)
Everyone has the right to freedom and security of the person, which
includes the right –
(c) to be free from all forms
of violence from other public or private sources.
”
[
22] The
legislation provided for in the Constitution with regard to hate
speech is to be found in the Promotion of Equality and
Prevention of
Unfair Discrimination Act No. 4 of 2000 (the Equality Act).
The preamble to the Equality Act provides:
“
Preamble.—The
consolidation of democracy in our country requires the eradication of
social and economic inequalities, especially
those that are systemic
in nature, which were generated in our history by colonialism,
apartheid and patriarchy, and which brought
pain and suffering to the
great majority of our people;
Although
significant progress has been made in restructuring and transforming
our society and its institutions, systemic inequalities
and unfair
discrimination remain deeply embedded in social structures,
practices and attitudes, undermining the aspirations of
our
constitutional democracy;
The
basis for progressively redressing these conditions lies in the
Constitution which, amongst others, upholds the values of human
dignity, equality, freedom and social justice in a united,
non-racial and non-sexist society where all may flourish;
South
Africa also has international obligations under binding treaties and
customary international law in the field of human rights
which
promote equality and prohibit unfair discrimination. Among these
obligations are those specified in the Convention on the
Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination;
Section
9 of the Constitution provides for the enactment of national
legislation to prevent or prohibit unfair discrimination and
to
promote the achievement of equality;
This
implies the advancement, by special legal and other measures, of
historically disadvantaged individuals, communities and social
groups who were dispossessed of their land and resources, deprived
of their human dignity and who continue to endure the consequences;
This
Act endeavours to facilitate the transition to a democratic society,
united in its diversity, marked by human relations that
are caring
and compassionate, and guided by the principles of equality,
fairness, equity, social progress, justice, human dignity
and
freedom.
”
[
23] The
domestic law in the Equality Court Act prohibits hate speech.
[24] Section
10 provides:
“
10. Prohibition
of hate speech.—(1) … No person may publish,
propagate, advocate or communicate
words based on one or more of the
prohibited grounds, against any person, that could reasonably be
construed to demonstrate a clear
intention to—
(a) be hurtful;
(b) be
harmful or to incite harm;
(c) promote
or propagate hatred.
Without
prejudice to any remedies of a civil nature under this Act, the
Court
may, in accordance with section 21 (2) (n) and where
appropriate, refer any case dealing with the publication,
advocacy,
propagation or communication of hate speech as contemplated in
subsection (1), to the Director of Public Prosecutions
having
jurisdiction for the institution of criminal proceedings in terms of
the common law or relevant legislation.
”
[2
5]
Section 15 of the Equality Act provides that with regard to hate
speech and harassment the question of fairness does not apply.
“
15. Hate
speech and harassment not subject to determination of fairness.—In
cases of hate speech and harassment
section 14 does not apply.
”
In balancing
the rights and obligations contained within the Constitution in
regard to hate speech the
Court
is obliged to seek the solution which is just not that which is fair.
[
26]
The prohibited grounds referred to in section 10 of the Equality Act
are defined in section 1 as being:
“
prohibited
grounds” are—
(a) race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social
origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion,
conscience, belief, culture, language and birth; or
(b) any other ground where discrimination based on that other
ground—
(i) causes
or perpetuates systemic disadvantage;
(ii) undermines
human dignity; or
adversely
affects the equal enjoyment of a person’s rights and freedoms
in a serious manner that is comparable to discrimination
on a ground
in paragraph (a);
”
TREATIES ON THE ISSUE
[
27]
The Republic is both a party to and has ratified certain treaties
which are of application. The laws contained within these
treaties
are of application to questions concerning hate speech. The Republic
in consonance with its obligations under the Constitution
and its
international undertakings in internationally recognised treaties has
promulgated appropriate legislation to deal with
what is colloquially
known as hate speech. These treaties which set certain social
guidelines as to acceptable conduct include:
the
Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
(1948) which should be read with the Rome Statute of
the
International Criminal Court. Article 3 of the Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide defines
genocide
as follows:
“…
Genocide
means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in
whole or in part, a national ethnic racial or religious
group, as
such:
killing members of the group;
causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated
to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.
Genocide is
created as a punishable crime and includes direct and public
incitement to commit genocide. Genocide includes amongst
others
killing members of a group with intent to destroy in whole or in part
the national ethnic racial or religious group as such
and also
includes as a crime against humanity murder when it is committed as
part of a widespread or systematic attack directed
against any
civilian population with knowledge of the attack.”
the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination (CERD) (1965);
“
CERD
provides that states who are parties condemn all propaganda and all
organisations which are based on ideas or theories of superiority
of
one race or group of persons of one colour or ethnic origin or which
attempts to justify or promote racial hatred and discrimination
in
any form and undertake to adopt immediate and positive measures
designed to eradicate all incitement to or acts of such
discrimination
and to this end with due regard to the principles
embodied in the universal declaration of human rights and the rights
expressly
set forth in article 5 provide inter alia that
participating states
(a) declare an offence punishable by law of all dissemination of
ideas based on racial superiority or hatred incitement to racial
discrimination as well as all acts of violence or incitement to such
acts against any race or group of persons of another colour
or ethnic
origin and also the provision of any assistance to racial activities
including the financing thereof;
declare illegal and prohibit organisations and also organised and
all other propaganda activities which promote and incite racial
discrimination and further that such states recognise participation
in such organisations or activities as an offence punishable
by law;
not permit public authorities or public institutions national or
local to promote or incite racial discrimination.”
the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) (1966).
The ICCPR provides in section 20 that any advocacy of national racial
or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination
hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law.
POWERS OF EQUALIT
Y
COURT
[
28]
The Equality Act provides a forum to deal with hate speech and has
conferred powers and functions upon it in section 21. Section
21 of
the Equality Act reads:
“
21. Powers
and functions of equality Court.—(1) The equality
Court before which proceedings are
instituted in terms of or under
this Act must hold an inquiry in the prescribed manner and determine
whether unfair discrimination,
hate speech or harassment, as the case
may be, has taken place, as alleged.
(2) After
holding an inquiry, the Court may make an appropriate order in the
circumstances, including—
(a) an interim order;
(b) a declaratory order;
(c) an
order making a settlement between the parties to the proceedings an
order of Court;
(d) an order for the payment of any damages in respect of any
proven financial loss, including future loss, or in respect of
impairment
of dignity, pain and suffering or emotional and
psychological suffering, as a result of the unfair discrimination,
hate speech
or harassment in question;
(e) after hearing the views of the parties or, in the absence of
the respondent, the views of the complainant in the matter, an order
for the payment of damages in the form of an award to an appropriate
body or organisation;
(f) an order restraining unfair discriminatory practices or
directing that specific steps be taken to stop the unfair
discrimination,
hate speech or harassment;
(g) an order to make specific opportunities and privileges
unfairly denied in the circumstances, available to the complainant in
question;
(h) an order for the implementation of special measures to address
the unfair discrimination, hate speech or harassment in question;
(i) an order directing the reasonable accommodation of a group or
class of persons by the respondent;
(
j) an
order that an unconditional apology be made;
(
k) an
order requiring the respondent to undergo an audit of specific
policies or practices as determined by the Court;
(l) an appropriate order of a deterrent nature, including the
recommendation to the appropriate authority, to suspend or revoke the
licence of a person;
(m) a
directive requiring the respondent to make regular progress reports
to the Court or to the relevant constitutional institution
regarding
the implementation of the Court’s order;
(n) an
order directing the clerk of the equality Court to submit the matter
to the Director of Public Prosecutions having jurisdiction
for the
possible institution of criminal proceedings in terms of the common
law or relevant legislation;
(o) an appropriate order of costs against any party to the
proceedings;
(p) an
order to comply with any provision of the Act.
”
WHY PROHIBIT HATE SPEECH
?
[2
9]
Hate speech at a social level is prohibited for four reasons:
“
1.
To prevent disruption to public order and social peace stemming from
retaliation by victims.
To prevent
psychological harm to targeted groups that would effectively impair
their ability to positively participate in the
community and
contribute to society.
To prevent
both visible exclusion of minority groups that would deny them equal
opportunities and benefits of … society
and invisibly exclude
their acceptance as equals.
To prevent
social conflagration and political disintegration.
”
See
Democracy
Off Balance
by
Stefan Braun page 62.
[30] Hate
speech at a personal level as experienced by individuals comprising
the group affected by the speech (“the target
group”) is
a direct invasion of dignity and infringement on the rights of
association of an individual.
THE TENSION BETWEEN THE PROHIBITION AND FREEDOM OF SPEECH
[
31] Inevitably
there is a tension between the right of the speaker to freedom of
expression and the obligation of the speaker not
to use words
constituting hate speech.
[
32] The
American jurisprudence must be cautiously approached by reason of the
exaggerated role which freedom of expression is given
to play in
their legislation. See
S
v Mamabolo supra
:
“
The
balance which our common law strikes between protection of an
individual’s reputation and the right to freedom of expression
differs fundamentally from the balance struck in the United States.
The difference is even more marked under the two respective
constitutional regimes … The fundamental reason why the test
evolved under the first amendment cannot lock onto our crime
of
scandalising the Court is because our Constitution ranks the right to
freedom of expression differently. With us it is not a
pre-eminent
freedom ranking above all others. It is not even an unqualified
right. … the Constitution in its opening statement
and
repeatedly thereafter proclaims three conjoined reciprocal and
covalent values to be foundational to the Republic: human dignity,
equality and freedom. With us the right to freedom of expression
cannot be said automatically to trump the right to human dignity.
The
right to dignity is at least as worthy of protection as the right to
freedom of expression. … freedom of expression
does not enjoy
superior status in our law.
”
(paras [40] and [41])
Walter
Chaplinsky v State of New Hampshire
(315)
US 568-574 holds that the right of free speech is not absolute and
does not include amongst others utterances that inflict
injury or
intent to incite an immediate breach of the peace. This authority in
my view in no way lessons the care with which American
authorities
are to be approached.
[33] Speech
that is political and that takes place in public is intended, and
must be considered, to be communicated to the public
at large not
merely to those who are present at the time. As citizens, target
group members have both a right and a duty to attend
the political
speeches of others, while as the targets of such speech; they have a
compelling interest in doing so. Such persons,
even if they do not
attend the event in question, can hardly avoid the impact of the
speech. Public speech involves a participation
in political discourse
with other citizens, in a manner that respects their own correlative
rights. Hate speech has no respect
for those rights. It lacks full
value as political speech. Hate speech does not address the
community in general but merely a
portion of it; those who are the
target group. Hate speech should not be protected merely because it
contributes to the pursuit
of the truth. If it denies recognition of
the free and reasonable rights of others it makes no direct
contribution to the process.
See
Hate
Speech and the Constitution
Vol 1 page LXVII.
MINORITIE
S
[
34] The
test to be applied where majoritarian or minoritarian positions are
involved must always be whether the measure under scrutiny
promotes
or retards the achievement of human dignity equality and freedom. See
Minister
of Home Affairs and Another v Fourie and Another
(Doctors
for Life International and Others Amicus Curiae; Lesbian and Gay
Equality Project and Others v Minister of Home Affairs
and Others
)
[2005] ZACC 19
;
2006 (1) SA 524
(CC) (para [94]). In balancing the various factors
the Court will have regard to the fact that communities including
minority
communities hold beliefs, are entitled to practice their
customs and conventions subject to same being lawful.
Prince
v President Cape Law Society and Others
[2000] ZACC 28
;
2001 (2) SA 388
(CC) at para
[26]
;
Bel
Porto School Governing Body and Others v Premier Western Cape and
Another
[2002] ZACC 2
;
2002 (3) SA 265
(CC) (para [84]);
National
Coalition for Gay and Lesbian Equality and Another v Minister of
Justice and Others
1999 (1) SA 6
(CC) (paras [25] and [136]).
[35] It must
not however be forgotten that minority groups are particularly
vulnerable. It is precisely the individuals who are
members of such
minorities who are vulnerable to discriminatory treatment and who in
a very special sense must look to the Bill
of Rights for protection.
The Court has a clear duty to come to the assistance of such affected
people. See
Pretoria
City Council v Walker
[1998] ZACC 1
;
1998 (2) SA 363
(CC) para [48];
National
Coalition for Gay and Lesbian Equality and Another v Minister of
Justice and Others
(
supra
)
para [25].
[36] “
A
group which is numerically inferior to the rest of the population of
a state and in a non-dominant position whose members possess
ethnic
religious or linguistic characteristics which differ from those of
the rest of the population and who if only implicitly,
maintain a
sense of solidarity directed towards preserving their culture
traditions religion or language”
constitutes
a
minority
.
Minorities
are not to be denied the right in community with other members of
their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess
and practice
their own religion, or to use their own language. See: The School
Education Bill case supra at para 60.
See
:
F
Capotorti
Rights
of Persons Belonging to Ethnic Religious and Linguistic Minorities
(1977)
cited In
re:
“The School Education Bill 1995 (Gauteng)
[1996] ZACC 4
;
1996 (4) BCLR 537
(CC) at para 61. Minorities have no legislative or executive powers
and are compelled to approach the Court to protect their rights.
They
are particularly at risk due to the expense involved in such
approaches. The fact that they are minorities and experience
such
difficulties frequently results in them being driven to protect their
identity by invoking and enforcing within their group,
customs
practices and conventions which are believed to be appropriate. In
addition, they are fragile in that they are readily
assumed by the
mass and lose their identity. A Court which hears a matter must,
while balancing the rights in question take into
account in the
construction of what hate speech is the fact that it is directed at a
minority. See also
Freedom
Front v SAHRC
2000
(11) BCLR 1283
(SAHRC) at 1296.
THE ACTUAL PROHIBITION
[
37] Section
10 of the Equality Act defines what may not be published.
A person may
not
publish,
a
gainst
any person including a juristic person, a non-juristic entity, a
group or category of persons,
w
ords
concerning race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or
social origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, disability,
religion, conscience, belief, culture, language and birth,
o
r
words concerning any other ground where the discrimination based on
that ground:
causes or
perpetuates systemic disadvantage;
undermines human dignity; or
adversely
effects the equal enjoyment of a person’s rights and freedoms
in a serious manner that is comparable to discrimination
on a
ground referred to
supra
in para [37] [3].
If the words
in
para 37 [4] could reasonably be construed to demonstrate a clear
intention to.
be hurtful;
be harmful;
incite harm;
promote hatred;
propagate hatred.
[3
8]
It is immediately apparent that the target group is widely defined
and includes natural and juristic persons and associations
as well as
groupings of people and categories of people.
[39] The
definition refers to words as being what is objectionable. This
definition does not exclude the relevance of gestures
which accompany
the words. Those gestures form part of the context and will be
relevant to determining the reasonable construction
to be placed upon
the words. See for example
Phillips
v Director of Public
Prosecutions
2002 (5) SA 555
(W) at para 14-17,
Botha
Eiendomme (Edms)
Bpk
v Ekple-Epoh
2000 (4) SA 466
at 471 para 3.3 and
S
v Seeshama
[1991] ZASCA 45
;
1991 (2) SA 860
(SCA) at 879.
[40]
The
reasonable construction of words means the message the words deliver
when decoded (or construed), reasonably. This will be dealt
with
below.
[41] The
question of what words mean has been the subject of legal opinions
throughout history. It is in my view instructive to
consider the
approach adopted in the law of defamation to ascertain the meaning of
words. Words also mean what they imply.
“
In
the absence of an innuendo, the test
[is] whether the reasonable person of ordinary intelligence is taken
to understand the words alleged to be defamatory in their
natural and
ordinary meaning. In determining whether this is the position the
Court must take account not only of what the words
expressly say, but
also what they imply. The context within which the words have been
used cannot be ignored.
See:
Argus Printing and Publishing Co Ltd v Esselen’s Estate
1994
(2) SA 1
(A) at 20E-21B”.
Per:
Kgomo J in
Selemela
and Others v Independent
Newspaper
Group Ltd and Others
2001 (4) SA 1001
[
42]
The publication of words includes the propagation advocating or
communication thereof. This definition in my view encompasses
secondary publication. In the ordinary course, secondary publication
of information sourced from a reputable source is permissible
without
informed consent having independently verified the legitimacy of the
right to publish the particular facts. See:
NM
and Others v Smith and Others
(Freedom
of Expression Institute as Amicus Curiae)
[2007] ZACC 6
;
2007 (5) SA 250
(CC) paras [186]-[188]. Persons who publish words
should be aware that the Press will republish and add its gloss to
them. This
republication may be in a translated form. Words may
acquire meanings in this way which differ from the original intended
meanings.
Intended meanings are not relevant to determine
objectionability. What the words mean is what governs the position.
THE ROAD TO TRIAL
[
43]
The Equality Court Act and the regulations promulgated thereunder
provide that the presiding officer is to follow the legislation
governing the procedures in the Court in which the proceedings are
being conducted. In the present case the High Court Rules provide
for
the regulation of the procedure. The presiding officer is given the
right to make appropriate changes to the Rules for the
purpose of
supplementing the regulation and may, in the interests of justice, if
no one is prejudiced, deviate from the procedure
after hearing the
parties. The presiding officer is required to resolve matters of an
administrative or procedural nature and is
to give directions in
respect thereof after consultation with the parties. A list of
matters which should be discussed in the course
of managing the
matter is set out
[44] At an
early stage during the proceedings, after consultation with the
parties and with their consent, I made use of the powers
vested in
me, to issue a directive in which was set out the obligations of the
parties. That directive was geared to achieving
an isolation of the:
legal issues;
evidentiary
and
factual
issues arising on each particular legal issue;
extent to
which opinions of experts differed and the reasons why they
differed.
[
45] The
pleadings would establish the legal issues to be decided and what was
common cause between the parties. Once discovery
had been made and
the statements of experts and witnesses exchanged, the factual and
evidential issues would be clear. Thereafter
the parties were to try
to reach agreement on issues and draw lists linking documentary
evidence to factual issues and identifying
the relevant portions of
the statements.
[
46]
During the course of the run-up to the trial several parties sought
leave to intervene. That leave was granted to them pursuant
to a
judgment handed down on 25 February 2011. That decision was
primarily based on the decision of
Gory
and Colver NO and Others (Stark and Others Intervening)
2007 (4) SA 97
(CC) at para [13] page 105. During the course of that
judgment I expressed the view that the Equality Act was designed to
create
a procedure to eliminate gross sources of friction in society
and that the creation of this Court was the mechanism to enable the
sources of friction to be removed and/or ameliorated. This view
founded my approach to the case and the rights of the public to
participation.
[47] On the
day of the hearing I granted leave to eTV (Pty) Ltd and eSAT (Pty)
Ltd to record and broadcast the proceedings. The
ruling followed the
principles and procedures set out in the Practice Direction in the
Supreme Court of Appeal concerning cameras.
Live transmission was
permitted. The witnesses who would testify were, in the main,
accustomed to speaking in public and to the
presence of the Press.
The public was entitled to see the events transpiring in Court so as
not only be able to form its own judgment
but also to re-live events
as part of a process of healing. I directed that any party including
a witness could at any time request
the process to be stopped; that
it was then to stop immediately pending further orders. This never
happened during the trial. In
addition a big screen was attached to
the railings at the outside entrance to Court. This enabled the
public, the supporters of
parties and passersby access to the
proceedings without the need for them to physically be in my Court.
[
48]
Lara Johnstone, the sole member of an entity known as the Radical
Honesty Culture and Religion delivered a number of documents
by
electronic transmission. I tabled the documents at the hearing and
they form part of the record.
THE ISSUES AT TRIAL
[
49] The
complainants complained that the respondent (Malema) while addressing
various public meetings had recited and/or sung and/or
chanted
certain words (the objectionable utterances). The objectionable
utterances were:
“
Awudubula
(i) bhulu
”.
“
Dubula
amabhunu baya raypha
”.
“
They
are scared the cowards you should “shoot the Boer” the
farmer! They rob these dogs
”.
The
objectionable utterances which are not in English were translated as
meaning “
shoot
the Boer/farmer
”,
“
shoot
the Boers/farmers they are rapists/robbers
”.
The objectionable utterances were alleged to have been made on or
about 3 March 2010 at Polokwane on the occasion of the
respondent’s
birthday party; on 9 March at the University of Johannesburg; on 22
March 2010 during a public address during
the course of a Human
Rights Day celebration at Mafikeng and on 26 March 2010 at
Rustenburg. The complainant pointed to these
utterances as meaning
that Malema literally referred to Afrikaans farmers and within the
context of the utterances referred to
white people generally, more
particularly white Afrikaners, who he suggested were the enemy and
were to at the very least be shunned
and at the very most be killed.
Afriforum alleged that on 18 March 2010 Malema had, during a meeting
with a representative of
the complainant, stated that the word
“
ibhunu
”
referred not only to farmers but to Afrikaners in general and that
that reference was intended to symbolise the form of
exploitation and
oppression of blacks in the Republic of South Africa. The
complainants alleged that the objectionable utterances
caused and/or
perpetuated systemic disadvantage to Afrikaners and Afrikaans farmers
at the very least and further undermined the
human dignity of those
targeted thereby and also adversely affected the equal enjoyment of
rights and freedoms of Afrikaners and
Afrikaans farmers. It was
further alleged that the objectionable utterances propagated,
advocated and/or communicated words based
on an ethnic or social
origin, culture, language and/or were words that could reasonably be
construed to demonstrate a clear intention
to be hurtful to
particular ethnic groups and to incite or be harmful to certain
ethnic groups and to promote and propagate hatred.
[50] It was
common cause between the parties that Malema had on different
occasions and at public meetings convened on behalf of
the ANC Youth
League sung the words referred to as comprising the objectionable
utterances.
[51] Malema in
his plea admitted singing “
Awudubele
(I)
bhunu
”;
“
Dubula
amabhunu baya raypha
”;
“
they
are scared the cowards you should “shoot the Boer/farmer they
rob these dogs
”.
The admission extended to singing the words in the colloquial
language not the words as translated. This limitation of
the
admission made in the pleadings was not apparent until the time of
the trial when it became apparent that, that was the intention
of the
admission. I allowed the matter to proceed as if this had been the
admission originally pleaded; the pleadings need to be
read
accordingly.
[52] The words
which Malema sang on a literal translation into English, on a
dictionary definition mean “
shoot
the Boer/farmer
”;
“
shoot
the Boers/farmers. They are rapists/robbers
”;
“
they
are scared the cowards. You should “shoot the Boer/farmer. They
rob these dogs
”.
This meaning although not admitted in the pleadings was never
seriously challenged during the hearing. The challenge was
directed
towards establishing that the words as sung by Malema in the original
language had a particular meaning to the particular
grouping present
on each occasion that the song was sung and the same meaning to all
persons who were familiar with the song.
[
53] In
the pleadings Malema claimed the right to sing the words
“
Dubul’ibhunu
”
as the words are contained within a liberation song which is sung
with or without all or some of the particular words depending
on the
occasion, context and setting. One of the defences was that in the
context of the song the words were intended to symbolise
the
destruction of white oppression (the former regime) rather than to
indicate the literal intention to shoot “
ibhunu
”
(the farmers and Boers). The ANC which was joined advanced the same
defence and the case for both Malema and the ANC was
advanced as
being the defence of all.
[54] The
submission was made on behalf of the ANC that the song forms part of
the South African heritage and should be retained
in the interests of
the preservation of a complete history. Liberation songs fulfil the
prime requirement of a people’s song
because they are easy to
sing, convey a feeling of solidarity which emanates from a situation
of common experience and use words
which form a powerful expression
of emotional feelings of the persons who sing it. Song is a form of
verbal art which people use
both for emotional release and also for
manipulation of others.
[55] The
issues to be determined became:
what was the meaning of the words in the appropriate context and
audience,
did it make
a difference if the audience w
as
wider than the groups who heard the song at the time of its
singing,
did it make
a difference if different audiences ascribed different meanings to
the words,
did the way
in which the song was repeatedly sung by Malema after its
translation in the
Press
make any difference,
do the words constitute hate speech,
if the words do constitute hate speech does the fact that they have
a place in our heritage vest an overriding right in the
singer to
sing the song and make the gestures referred to below.
THE HEARING
THE VIDEO
[
56]
During the hearing a video was screened reflecting the respondent
singing the song on various occasions. During the course
of the
singing the respondent executed rhythmic movements (hereafter “the
gestures”) including movements with his forearm
extended at
approximately 45 degrees to the ground with his finger and hand
making the shape of a firearm. I was asked to have
regard to the
gestures and although such gestures had not been expressly pleaded
the complaint extends to those gestures. The defence
in respect of
the gestures was that such gestures were traditionally made during
the singing of the song. Gestures are relevant
when the meanings of
words are considered. See:
S
v Sheehama
1991 (2) SA 879
,
Phillips
v Director of Public Prosecutions
2002 (5) SA 555
(W) para 17.
GUNS
[
57]
At a point in time early in the hearing I noticed that people who
were armed were present in Court. I was distressed that
the Court
security not only had allowed such persons to retain their weapons
but also that they had been allowed in Court. I directed
that no
person in Court be armed. The reason for this is that I considered
that an armed person is in a physical position of power;
he is not
controlled by me but by some third party; he represents a threat to
witnesses, Court officials, counsel and the public.
His presence
constitutes an intimidation to each person in Court. Hence no person
truly is able to act independently, as he fears
reprisal. It
appeared to me to be grossly improper for armed persons to be in
Court. This is not to say that appropriate steps
were not taken by
the appropriate government agency with my knowledge and consent to
ensure the safety of every person present
in my Court. Proper and
adequate (mainly discreet and unnoticed) controls were put in place
and maintained throughout the trial.
EVIDENCE
[
58]
During the hearing I allowed much evidence to be led which would not
normally be permitted in a Court of law as it appeared
to me that it
was proper to allow the parties to the dispute to fully and
completely ventilate the issues between them even if
such ventilation
involved the admission of evidence in the form of speeches which were
made during the course of the trial; in
the form of documents which
contained hearsay matters and in the form of witnesses who gave
evidence, the ambit of which, was far
beyond the issues. It appeared
to me that in the course of the trial the parties should, as it were,
be allowed to scratch the
wound open, re-experience the pain and
search for a solution. Hopefully they would be able to find a way
forward, thus enabling
society, on its own to set the appropriate
standard to be followed. I was also conscious of the fact that in the
course of this
process the public would be able to participate as the
events were being screened live on TV and also on the big screen
outside
the Court.
THE SONG
[5
9]
The conduct of Malema is common cause. He sang what is colloquially
referred to as a struggle song on the occasions referred
to. The song
is known as “
Dubul’ibhunu
”.
These songs and other struggle songs are sung in the normal course
of ANC gatherings because they are part of the heritage
and history
of the struggle against the oppression experienced by the oppressed
majority namely black people at the hands of the
apartheid regime and
also the colonial regime prior to that. The words of the song, which
founded the words sung by Malema, are
printed in www.mhambi.com. The
words are:
Dubula! Dubula! Dubula nge s’bhamu
Dubul’ ibhunu
Dubula’ Dubula Dubula nge s’bhamu
Mama, ndiyeke ndidubul’ ibhunu
Dubula’ Dubula’ Dubula nge s’bhamu
Ziyareypa lezinja
Dubula! Dubula! Dubula nge s’bhamu
A literal translation of the words is:
Shoot! Shoot! Shoot them with a gun
“shoot
the Boer”
Shoot! Shoot! Shoot them with a gun
Ma, let me
“shoot the Boer”
Shoot! Shoot Shoot them with a gun.
These dogs rape us
Shoot shoot shoot them with a gun
[60] On one
occasion
(as
is apparent from the video) when the song was sung Malema added the
following words at the end:
“
shoot
the Boer/farmer. “shoot the Boer” the farmer. Shoot to
kill. Shoot to kill.
”
[
61]
The regime was represented by the persons who primarily were
employed to and who did enforce its will. These people (although
there were others who were involved) were perceived by all South
Africans to be white Afrikaners to whom reference was made as
Boers.
This word is represented in the song by the word “
Ibhunu
”.
The word appears to me to be a phonetic corruption of the word Boer.
The use of the word in the context of oppression
was a usage which
was designed by the author of the song to reflect and refer to the
regime: the oppressor. The author and persons
singing the song
intended to convey that the regime should be destroyed. Hence the
word “Dubula” came to be joined
with the word Ibhunu. It
seems to me the sentence “destroy the regime” came into
existence in the form of the words
in the song. There is no dispute
between the parties that the song, as it was originally sung, had the
meaning to destroy the
regime. The words also mean “shoot the
Boer” on a literal translation. On a balance of probabilities
it appears to
me that the author was aware of the double entendre.
The double meaning was intended by the author and cannot have been
lost on
the audience. The author and singers originally placed more
emphasis on the “destroy the regime” meaning. The fact
they did so in no way detracts from the other meaning or removes it
as an equally competent reasonably understood meaning.
[
62] The
song was sung by soldiers employed in the process of taking steps to
overthrow the regime. Songs are often sung by soldiers
when they are
at war. The songs are usually designed to psychologically destroy the
image of the enemy as a person in the mind
of the soldier. The
process of dehumanization is recognised in the seven steps to
genocide as one of the steps leading to genocide.
It is also so that
soldiers when in battle are psychologically programmed not to treat
the enemy as individual people but rather
as things. This assists
soldiers to overcome their natural repugnance of killing people.
[63] Liberation
songs have a further function. They are intended to psychologically
bond the group of soldiers together to encourage
them as a unit to
act against the enemy. Songs of this nature in South Africa are
referred to as struggle or liberation songs.
They are referred to
internationally as “Jodies” and many examples of them can
be found on the internet.
See
e.g:
forums.army.ca/forums/index.php?topic=47618
,
www.b2501airborne.com/cadence.html,
www.lighthorseaircav.com/hum-jody-calls.html.
[
64] There
is no set of predetermined words to such a liberation song. The song
mutates as and when different people sing it and
as and when the mood
or occasion which is celebrated changes. This flexibility allows the
singer to change the lyrics of the song
so as to use appropriate
words for the appropriate occasion. This is completely natural and in
accordance with the way in which
these songs are used to express the
feelings of persons who sing the song.
[
65]
A necessary corollary of this is that the sentiment of the song and
the primary meaning of the words used in the song can change
depending upon the mood of the singers and the occasion. This is so
even if the same words are used and is particularly so if the
words
have dual meanings. The history of the song Dubul’ibhunu is
difficult to trace by reason of the mutations of songs
from time to
time. Nonetheless, the song has been sung for a significant period of
time.
[66] The words
were put to music by Mr Collins Chabane many years ago.
The song
sounds very different when Malema sings it to what it sounds like on
the recording of Mr Chabane. When Malema sings the
song it is quite
clearly a chant. Malema sings the first sentence, the audience sings
the chorus. The words are sung in a rhythmic
chant using a staccato.
The effect is to produce clipped calls and clipped responses. When
the song is heard on the recording
of Mr Chabane
,
the song is played legato and sounds much like a gentle lullaby or
hymn. The words remain the same. However, if the words are
not
understood, then the song appears innocuous from its tone and
delivery. Dr Grey explained that historically struggle songs
had been
developed by persons who formulated them making use of existing
music. Often, for example, the melody of hymns was used.
The person
who wrote the song then adapted the words of the hymn by replacing
them with his own words. A person who heard the
singing but did not
understand the words would think that a hymn was being sung if he was
familiar with the tune of the hymn.
However, in truth and in fact,
the words were different and conveyed the message of the person who
had written them.
THE REPORTS OF THE MEDIA
AND THE REACTION OF THE PUBLIC
[
67]
To set the matrix it is worth setting out the chronology and the
Press reaction. The song was sung:-
On or about 3
March 2010 at Polokwane on the occasion of Malema’s birthday
celebration.
On or about 9 March 2010 and at the University of Johannesburg.
On or about 22 March 2010 during a public address in the course of
Human Right’s Day celebrations at Mafikeng.
On or about 26 March 2010 and at Rustenburg.
[
68] On
11 March 2010 and after the singing of the song at the University of
Johannesburg a number of newspapers published that the
song had been
sung. Messrs Coetzee, Van der Walt and Dlangamandla wrote
inter
alia
:
“
Die
vuurvreter Malema het eergister oor en oor saam met 250 studente by
die Universiteit van Johannesburg se Doornfontein kampus
gesing
‘Dubula amabhunu baya raypha’ (skiet die Boere, hulle is
verkragters)
.”
and later in the same article:
“
Die
ANC verstaan nie hoe Suid-Afrikaners Malema vir ‘n rassis kan
uitkryt nie. ‘Partykeer sing ons die lied want ons
herinner
onsself aan waarvandaan ons kom’ het Mthembu gesê.
Volgens hom verwys die amabhunu nie na Boere of witmense
in die
algemeen nie maar na dié wat swartmense steeds onderdruk en
apartheid ondersteun het. Mthembu het daarop gewys dat
die lied wat
Malema gesing het nie die slagspreuk ‘kill the farmer kill the
Boer’ is nie.
”
On the same day the Mercury published:
“
He
sang the old struggle song Dubula ibhuna (shoot the farmer) harking
back to the spirit of the chant ‘kill the Boer kill
the
farmer’.
The
trademark of the late ANC youth league leader Peter Mokaba.
Complaints have been lodged with the S A Human Rights Commission
and
the Equality Court by among others the Freedom Front Plus, the
Afriforum Youth and the Afrikanerbond.
On the same day The Star published a similar article.
[
69]
On the same day the Diamond Fields Advertiser published an article
referring to the singing of the words referred to above
at the
University of Johannesburg and adding that Malema had indicated that
blacks should never forget what was done to them.
The article added
that Malema had sung the same song at his birthday party in
Polokwane. Other papers published similar articles.
The Beeld, on
the same day, published prominently “
Malema
mag sê: Skiet die Boere
”
… “
Tien
klagte van haatspraak maar ANC staan by hom
”.
The Sowetan Newspaper on the same day published that Malema had sung
the song and quoted Mr Roets (who gave evidence for
Afriforum). The
quote was “
These
steps [complaints of hate speech] follow after Malema sang the song
Dubula ibhunu
(“shoot
the Boer”) at least twice at public occasions this past week
”.
[
70]
On 12 March 2010, the Daily Dispatch published that a spokesperson
for the ANCYL (of which Malema is the President) had said
that the
singing of the song had been blown out of all proportion. A spokesman
for the ANCYL had stated according to the article
that the song had
been sung for years, even before Malema was born – it was a
song against cowardice and oppressive forces.
Mr Roets according to
the article stated that he believed the song to be hate speech and
wanted Malema to apologise for it and
pay damages. The article
appears to have linked the song to another song, “
Kill
the Boer kill the farmer
”.
This was a song which used to be sung by Mr Mokaba and which had been
found to be hate speech by the S A Human Rights Commission.
Similar
articles appeared in many other newspapers on March 12, 2010.
[71] On 13
March 2010 the Saturday Dispatch reported that the ANC had denied
that Malema had sung the song “
Kill
the Boer kill the farmer”
and had sought to distinguish it from the song which had actually
been sung. According to this article, the ANC sought to correct
the
impression which it believed had been created that Malema had sung
“
Kill
the Boer kill the
farmer
”
song and stated that he had sung the song in question which it
referred to as “
Ayesaba
amagwala
”.
[72] On 14
March 2010, the Rapport published that Malema had called for the
genocide of Afrikaners (menseslagting).
[73] On 15
March 2010 the Herald newspaper published that Malema had sung the
“
Kill
the Boer kill the farmer”
song. On 15 March 2010 the Times published a statement by Mr
Mantashe who stated that Malema had sung a song which did not include
the lyrics “Dubula ibhunu” but rather another verse of
the song “Dubula dubula dubula nge s’bhamu”.
Mr
Mantashe is reported to have placed the song in context namely that
it was a struggle song and also that it should not be erased
from
history because people were sensitive. On 15 March 2010 the Citizen
published that there had been a further farm attack and
stated that
this farm attack was the second within days of Malema singing “
shoot
the Boer”
.
[74] On 16
March 2010 the Witness published a comment concerning the place of
the song in society and repeated Mr Mantashe’s
statement that
society must never be seen to be oversensitive about white fears at
the expense of black aspirations. The article
further dealt with the
steps which Afriforum was taking. On 16 March 2010 an article
appeared in the Volksblad concerning the
singing of the song and
various other matters concerning another issue around Malema.
[75] Articles
in similar vein were published in many newspapers on a regular basis
over the following days.
[76] On 19
March 2010 the complainant led a protest to Luthuli House. Prior to
travelling to Luthuli House there was a gathering
at which people
carried posters. There are photographs of this gathering. The party
went to Luthuli House and met the leaders there.
The events which
took place at Luthuli House are disputed as to material matters and I
do not rely on same. On 23 March 2010,
Die Burger published an
article “
Skiet
die Boere
”
gesing om Menseregte te vier”. Malema is recorded as having
stated that white Afrikaans journalists did not know
the ANC. They
knew nothing of the freedom struggle and wrote about things which had
not been said as they were unable to properly
interpret what had been
said. (This is my interpretation of the Afrikaans used which I
believe expresses the intention of the
words although is not an exact
translation of them.) From March 23, 2010 a number of other
newspapers for example the Volksblad,
the Sowetan, Die Burger,
published that Malema had sung the same song. In each case the song
was rendered as being the “
Skiet
die Boer
”
struggle song. The Press continued to publish articles concerning
Malema and his activities in relation to his singing of
the song and
steps being taken against him to prevent him singing it.
Publications after Malema sang on 26 March 2010 are largely
centred
around the fact that an interdict had been granted by Halgryn AJ.
[
77]
It is apparent that:
1.
there
was a high degree of publicity around the song and Malema’s
singing of it,
2. the
translation of the song was rendered in English as being
“shoot
the Boer/farmer”,
3. in the
public eye the wording as translated was linked to the statement
and song which had previously been sung by Peter
Mokaba
“Kill
the farmer kill the Boer”,
4.
a
section of society was outraged by the fact the song had been sung
and sung repeatedly.
[
78] Whether
or not the Press was justified in publishing its translation of the
events in this manner is not relevant to the present
matter. The
important point is that at a time prior to the singing of the song,
on 22 March 2010 and 26 March 2010, there was a
public uproar about
Malema singing the song. The public had interpreted the words which
he sang as being an attack upon a sector
of the community namely the
Boer/farmer who were loosely translated as being the
Afrikaans-speaking sector of the community. That
sector of the
community was angered about the use of words which they saw as an
incitement to people who heard the words to attack
them. It is also
apparent, and this is the evidence before me, that at that time
farmers and white Afrikaans-speaking members of
society who lived in
isolated areas (on plots and farms) felt themselves at threat. [There
is no evidence that anyone was in fact
injured in consequence of the
singing of the song. No one in fact appears to have suffered physical
consequence as a result of
the song being sung].
[79] On 30
March 2010 the Sowetan reported that Malema had said, (after a ruling
made on 26 March 2010 to the effect that the song
if sung could
result in the singer facing charges of incitement to murder), that
the song was not about killing individuals but
about fighting the
system of apartheid which still persisted even after the 1994
democratic elections.
[
80]
By that time singing of the song or similar songs appears to have
become popular, as on 30 March 2010 it is reported that at
the
National Union of Metalworkers of SA Bargaining Conference delegates
had sung a song which contains the words “
Go
well mkhonto weSizwe
”
and also “
We
MK members are determined to kill these Boers
”.
The right to sing this song had been justified by NUMSA President
Cedric Gcina who had said:
“
The
singing of the song in memory of fallen members was not a desire to
kill farmers
.
Struggle
songs are part of our history and heritage. Revolutionary songs
continue to play an important role … Therefore Courts
cannot
be used to erase our memories and demobilise our revolutionary
activism by banning struggle songs.
”
(See
Sowetan March 30, 2010.)
[81] The
public outcry continued unabated over the period. Malema honoured the
order made concerning the song. (Whether or not it
was an order which
he was compelled to obey is not a matter with which I need deal.)
However, when Malema went to Zimbabwe he sang
the song. The singing
of the song on that occasion was removed as an issue before me as the
singing took place in a foreign country.
It is however relevant that
Malema sang it. At the time, he said, according to the Saturday Star
of 3 April 2010, that the singing
of the song was a reminder of what
remained to be done in South Africa.
[82] It is
apparent that by this stage society had become polarised into two
factions concerning the singing of the song. The factions
were
essentially based along language and racial lines. The factions were
divided into those who had struggled, largely members
of the ANC and
its supporters, and those who perceived themselves to be the target
of the song namely the White Afrikaners.
[83] It is
also apparent from the evidence before me that that polarity persists
to the present day. That polarity came about
in consequence of the
singing of the song coupled with its dissemination by the media in
translation as “
shoot
the Boer/farmer
”.
This is cogent evidence of the effect of singing and the reaction of
the public as expressed in the various newspapers.
These very words
were at a point in time sung by Malema. See para 60 supra.
[84] Although
Malema claimed to never have sung the words which were repeated in
Afrikaans and in English he admitted to singing
some of the words of
the song. Malema’s evidence (as was the evidence of the other
persons who gave evidence for the ANC
and Malema) is that the words
are innocuous in that the words refer to a regime which was to be
destroyed. This was the accepted
primary meaning of the words during
the struggle. This meaning is only one of the possible meanings if
one has reference to the
dictionary alone. Another meaning is “
shoot
the Boer/farmer
”.
This is the meaning which was interpreted by the newspapers as being
the appropriate meaning and which was read by the
various readers of
those newspapers. The flames of the fire were fanned as the Press and
members of the public linked the words
of the song to the words of
another song “
Kill
the farmer kill the Boer
”.
(The latter song had been declared to be hate speech some time
previously).
THE SONG PRE MALEMA
AND PUBLICATION BY THE PRESS
[
85]
Until the media published the words as translated the words in the
song had had no effect. No one complained. No one felt
threatened.
This could have happened either because:-
1. the song
was innocuous and related to an incitement to destroy the regime in
the originally accepted primary meaning,
2. the target
group was ignorant of
,
2.1. the literal translated meaning,
2.2. the fact the song had been sung at all.
THE
ACTUAL
AUDIENCES
[
86]
At the time the song was sung at Malema’s birthday party on 3
March 2010, it was sung to a limited number of persons
who
represented a closed audience, who were friends of Malema and who had
been invited to attend his birthday. That audience, on
the
probabilities, consisted of persons who are likeminded to Malema and
would know the meaning he ascribed to the words.
[87] When the
song was sung at the University of Johannesburg on 9 March 2010 the
audience, on the probabilities, was a multi-racial
multi-facetted
audience comprising largely young people in their late teens or early
twenties. These persons had probably not
participated directly to
any great degree in the struggle. The audience was on the
probabilities not necessarily likeminded to
Malema. This audience
must be approached as being a multi-racial cross-section of the
public of South Africa who speak all of its
languages and come from
all its various social groupings. The only common feature they have
is that they are intelligent people
who seek further education.
[
88]
When the song was sung at the Human Right’s Day celebrations
at Mafikeng at 22 March 2010, on the probabilities, the
audience
included largely persons who had been involved in the struggle and
who were likeminded to Malema.
[89] The same
can be said for the rally held at Rustenburg on 26 March 2010.
THE TRUE AUDIENCE
[
90]
At all of the events, political rallies, save for Malema’s
birthday, the Press was invited. To the knowledge of Malema
and
others it would be anticipated that the Press would publish events
which took place, as indeed the Press did. These, after
all, were
rallies addressed by a senior member of the ANC Youth League.
[91] As I have
set out earlier, there is good authority that the public at
large, even those who did not attend the rallies, must be treated as
being the audience at political rallies. The target group
of white
Afrikaners must be treated as being the audience even although it was
not physically present at the rallies. There was
publication to that
audience in this sense and in the actual sense of publication by the
Press.
WERE THESE APPR
OPRIATE
OCCASIONS TO SING THE SONG?
[
92]
One of the defences was that the song as a liberation song,
irrespective of the meaning of the words, should be permitted to
be
sung at an appropriate occasion. The song has been identified as a
struggle song, namely a song sung by soldiers. The nature
and extent
of the struggle of the oppressed majority to obtain freedom involved
the participation of the entirety of likeminded
persons who formed
the society irrespective of age and sex. Malema himself was
recruited at an extremely young age, younger than
ten years. It is
apparent that soldiers are not readily identifiable as they would be
in the case of a formal army which fights
another formal army in
uniform. In this country, persons who formed part of the struggle
were all those who took steps and acted,
in a way, as soldiers. They
assisted their fighting members by providing them with support
against the regime. The support consisted
of emotional and financial
support; support by way of providing provisions; support by way of
providing hiding places for both
persons and arms. In this way, all
members of families, to the very youngest members, were involved.
These persons at any time
were subject to attack by the arm of the
regime which was seeking to suppress the struggle. It is common
knowledge that in the
course of that arm exercising power it acted
violently, oppressively and indiscriminately to a variety of people
of all ages. Any
person who participated in the struggle was aware of
the consequence of such participation and that such consequence could
include
physical, financial and other sanction. In a very real sense,
all members of society who had family or other participants they
supported in the struggle were themselves soldiers. The physically
present audiences at rallies must be treated as being the soldiers
and persons who were involved in the struggle.
[93]
The
submission is that the song was sung by soldiers to soldiers who knew
the true meaning of the words and who were celebrating
a particular
event. Thus the singing was appropriate. The problem with this
approach is that the audience is not limited to the
actual attendees
but includes the whole public. Accordingly, the appropriateness of
the occasion when it concerns political rallies
must be judged on
that basis.
See:
Le
Roux and Others v Dey
2010 (4) SA 210
(SCA)
“It may be accepted
that the reasonable person must be contextualised and that one is
not concerned with a purely abstract
exercise. One must have regard
to the nature of the audience. In this case the main target was the
school children at the particular
school, but it also included at
least teachers.”
See:
Mohamed and Another v Jassiem
[1995] ZASCA 115
;
1996 (1) SA 673
(A)
“…the
trial Court had to consider whether '(t)he fact that something like
98% of the South African population would
not care a fig whether
Jassiem is a traitor to Islam or not . . .'deprived Jassiem of a
cause of action based on defamation.
That inquiry, as the learned
Judge correctly pointed out, raised the issue 'whether it is correct
to accept literally the allegation
often made that for defamation to
occur it is insufficient that the esteem of the object of the
defamatory appellation question
must tend to lower him in the
estimation of "ordinary right- thinking persons generally".
(Burchell at 95.)'
In considering this issue Van
den Heever J pointed out in the course of her judgment that a man's
reputation is not something
which 'exists in a void'. She proceeded
to make the following perceptive observations:
'It consists of the esteem in
which he is held by "society" or within "the
community". How the community,
society, is to be defined must,
in my view, depend upon the facts and the pleadings in each
particular case. Sometimes geographical
borders of a country may
define what society or community is relevant in a particular case;
for example, where a member of Parliament
of a government within
those boundaries claims to be defamed as such. If a man's reputation
within the scientific community of
which he is a member, or within
the financial community within which he operates, or within the
black community within which
he lives, is tarnished by an imputation
within that community of conduct disapproved on the whole by that
community, the Court
will use its countrywide, or in a more
limited particular society.
I do not understand anything
in the Appellate Division decisions as barring such an approach,
which is accepted in many other
countries and urged here as a
matter of common sense and fairness. Prosser Torts at 743, Burchell
Defamation at 99, Street Torts
5th ed at 288, Salmon and Heuston
Torts 18th ed at 134, Amerasinghe Defamation at 21-3, Ranchod
Defamation at 156, Hahlo and
Kahn The Union of South Africa - The
Development of its Law and Constitution at 546. The only
qualification, it seems to me,
is that the particular society should
not be one whose reasonably uniform norms are contra bonos mores or
anti-social.'”
Learning
on the question of the audience in the law of defamation is relevant
to the present matter to the question of whether,
if, different
sectors decode the message of words differently this makes any
difference. The faction represented by the complainant
decode the
message one way the faction represented by the ANC decode them
differently on the evidence. The authority cited supra
resolves this
problem.
[
94] The
concept of an appropriate occasion contemplates that words which
would constitute hate speech for a portion of society will
not
constitute hate speech if that portion of society is shielded from
the words and their meaning. This form of justification
is based on a
claim to freely express sentiment which is familiar to and loved by a
sector of society notwithstanding its effect
on another portion of
society. The submission as I understood it was that the Equality Act
deals not just with words and their
meaning but also with the effect
those words have, absent any effect, absent any breach of the
provisions of the Equality Act.
In my view this approach is
unjustified. All hate speech has an effect, not only upon the
target group but also upon the group
partaking in the utterance.
That group and its members participate in a morally corrupt activity
which detracts from their own
dignity. It lowers them in the eyes of
right minded balanced members of society who then perceive them to be
social wrongdoers.
In addition, to the extent the words are
inflammatory; members of the group who hear them might become
inflamed and act in accordance
with that passion instilled in them by
the words. If it is claimed that the conduct was acceptable at a
point in time and that
a vested right exists to persevere with it on
the basis of a legitimate expectation the simple answer is that times
have changed.
Change or transformation is hurtful. That hurt
encompasses the loss of the exercise of rights which constitute
violations of the
Equality Act. All conduct by more than one person
has as its source the words of at least one person. It is the words
of one person
motivating others that leads to action by those
persons. All genocide begins with simple exhortations which snowball.
Words provide
the stimulus for action, the means to numb the natural
repugnance against hurting humans and the reward which is to be
harvested
after action. Words are powerful weapons which if they are
allowed to be used indiscriminately can lead to extreme and
unacceptable
action.
WHAT THE WORDS SUNG MEAN
[
95]
The song as originally sung and later recorded had no effect on the
general public. The evidence of this is the fact that there
was no
complaint over a period of many years regarding it being sung. It
was only after the song was sung by Malema and translated
and
published as the
“shoot
the Boer”
song that the song had an effect. That effect is evidenced in the
series of publications referred to earlier and also in this
trial by
the statements of a variety of members of society who act for large
constituencies and who say that their constituencies
are affected in
that they perceive the song to be harmful and/or hurtful towards
them. Part of this reaction initially was due
to the Press
translation of the words sung. The ultimate reaction was due, as will
be set out below, to the context and manner
in which Malema
repeatedly sang the song and exploited the publicity his singing the
song had in translation as well as in the
original language.
[96] The
meaning of the words uttered by Malema was in issue. In order to
understand the meaning of the words it is necessary to
place the
words in their proper context. Words individually have meanings
which are elastic in that the meanings they convey can
vary
substantially. Groups of words similarly have elastic meanings. The
permutations increase as one adds to the equation, the
context in
which the words were uttered, the circumstances under which the words
were uttered, the way in which the words were
uttered, the gestures
which accompanied the words and what the words imply. In this whole
equation sight must not be lost of the
fact that, notwithstanding the
words used, the speaker, when he composes the message he wishes to
deliver to the audience, is so
able to compose it as to
simultaneously convey multiple meanings to the whole audience and
constituent parts of it. See:
Le
Roux and Others v Dey
2010 (4) SA 210
(SCA) at para 67,8,
Argus
Printing and Publishing Co (Ltd) v Esselins
Estate
1994
(2) SA 1
(A) at 20 E,
Tsedu
and Others v Lekota and Another
2009 (4) SA 377
para 13.
[
97]
When the words are sung with a chorus supplying additional words,
then the addressor, albeit that the addressor does not manufacture
the response, invites the addressee to utter the words contained
within the chorus. The context of the words is constituted in
this
respect by the entirety of the words sung. The words must be decoded
with reference to all the acts and words. The words
were
consistently sung. To the extent that there was evidence that songs
mutate and the words change from time to time I find,
on the
probabilities, that the responses given to the words uttered by the
addressor (Malema) on each occasion were the anticipated
responses
and were the responses he sought to obtain. While the words may not
have been exactly reproduced, the sentiment remained
constant. For
purposes of this judgment I ignore the mutations and do not deal
specially with them.
[98] The
occasion, the history of the conduct and the response of the public
and Press, gesture and physical movement, crowd interaction,
the
words including the expression and delivery of the words in a
chant-like manner, are relevant to determine the context of the
song.
They, all together, contribute to form the manner in which the
message was delivered.
[
99]
In order to find the meaning of the words the audience must decode
the words. When each individual comprising the audience
decodes the
message such individual makes use of all elements constituting the
context as he perceives them. Hence it is perfectly
reasonable for
different messages to be received by different people. This is a well
known fact. Some members of the audience
may be unable to decode the
message as they do not speak the language used to deliver the
message. Other members of the audience
may inaccurately decode the
message as the language which they use, attributes different meanings
to the words used by the speaker
than the language he used. The
permutations are infinite.
[100] An
important feature within the ambit of the range of permutations is
the ability of the speaker to so structure the delivery
of the
message as to cause the audience to attribute different meanings to
the words than the meanings which are ordinarily attributed
to them.
This elasticity of meaning has been manipulated by persons who are
skilled in the art of words since time immemorial.
Literature is
filled with parody and innuendo to name but a few of the forms. See
for example: -
Laugh
it off Promotions CC v SAB International
(Finance)
BV
[2005] ZACC 7
;
2006 (1) SA 144
CC.
[101] It is
possible to illustrate this point by recalling that at a point in
time Malema sang “
Kiss
the Boer
”.
On the face of it these words are innocuous. It is only when
consideration is given to the range of knowledge available
to the
audience and which the audience will use to decode the words that the
true meaning becomes apparent. At the time the words
were uttered,
the words “
Kill
the farmer / Kill the Boer”
were controversial and could not be used as they had been recognised
as hate speech. The fact that the words “
Kill
the farmer
/
Kill
the Boer
”
were hate speech was well-known to all members of the audience as it
had been widely publicised. At a superficial level
the word “
kiss
”
is sufficiently close in sound to the word “
kill
”
for the audience to make the link between “
kiss
”
and “
kill
”.
Once the audience makes the link, it becomes apparent that the coded
message is that to which the link refers namely “
Kill
the Boer
/ “
Kill
the farmer
”.
There can be little doubt that it was no coincidence that the
speaker used the word “
kiss
”
when he encoded the message he wished the audience to receive. The
elasticity of the meaning to be attached to “
kiss
”
is that it means “
kill
”.
Hence the word actually used, a word demonstrating love and
affection, is in fact a word which is intended by that use
to produce
the image of the exact opposite.
[10
2] It
is appropriate to consider more deeply a matter touched on earlier.
The evidence was that at the time the song originated
the words
“
Dubula
ibhunu”
were
words which meant destroy the regime. The word “
bhunu
”
was used to identify the regime, as it was descriptive of the persons
who implemented the will of the regime. Those persons
were the white
Afrikaans-speaking members of society. Although the words originally
were directed towards the regime, the coding
carried with it an
underlying message concerning the representatives of the regime
namely the “
ibhunu
”.
The word used for destroy namely
“Dubula”
also has as a meaning the word shoot. Primarily the way in which the
regime could be destroyed was by injuring the proponents of
the
regime namely those who enforced its will namely the white South
African Afrikaans-speaking members of the community. The way
in which
those persons would be injured would be by shooting. The primary
message which was encoded by the person who formulated
the verses
is destroy the regime. That encoded message carried
with it, however, a secondary message which was
implicit in the
primary meaning and established the mechanism by which that would
take place namely shooting the white Afrikaners.
In the context of
the song as originally sung this is the message one would expect to
find. The entirety of the message dehumanises
the enemy by referring
to it as dogs and describing its conduct in unsavoury terms. Such
description in a struggle song is to be
expected. Simultaneously,
the song is an exhortation to a band of brothers to bond in the
pursuit of that activity. It is expected,
in the context of a
struggle song which seeks to bind soldiers together, to give them
comfort and dehumanise the enemy in their
eyes. These observations
cannot but have been present in the mind of the author and the
audience. The words need no stretching
to embrace both meanings. The
meaning comes naturally both by using the literal and contextual
approach. There is much corroborative
evidence available in the form
of the translation by the Press who believed they were acting
responsibly and by the audience-society
that the average member of
society perceives the meaning this way.
.
[103] I assume
that portion of the audience included persons who did not understand
the meaning until it was translated. None of
these limitations on the
audience capacity to decode the words makes any difference for the
reasons set out earlier [in para 93].
The meaning of the words is
what the reasonable man would ascribe it to be. See:
Tsedu
and Others v Lekota
and
Another
2009 (4) SA 377
(SCA)
[10
4] When
the gestures made by Malema are added to the context then it is clear
that the words concern the use of a weapon –
a gun. Whether the
verb alone means destroy or shoot makes no difference. The verb
contains an exhortation to violence. The gesture
imports the weapon.
Hence the mechanism by which the exhortation is to be implemented is
by the use of the weapon, a gun. In reaching
this conclusion, I am
conscious that there are many ways by which destruction can take
place, shooting is but one of them. In the
context of the song the
gesture provided the limitation on the words. The person to be shot
is the object of the verb namely the
regime. The regime included the
Boere or white Afrikaans speaking sector of society. This sector
might also include farmers.
[10
5] There
is one probability concerning this issue which corroborates this
finding. The regime was destroyed at the time of the transformation
of the country into a democracy. It is no more. Post democracy the
song was none the less sung, seeking its destruction. The response
of
Malema to this conundrum was to say that the regime lives on in the
form of the untransformed person who holds benefits conferred
upon
him by the regime and which he has not relinquished. He accepts that
there is an object to the verb and that that object
is alive and well
and living in South Africa. It is a simple matter to identify the
object. It is those persons who received benefit
from and who
promoted the regime. These persons are, broadly speaking, the white
Afrikaans speaking members of society.
[10
6] Subsequent
to the audience having received the decoded message and having
understood it, Malema continued singing the song he
had sung
previously and which previously had had no effect. The words
remained unchanged. The reaction of the audience however
was
different. By that time, the target group was able to see and did see
the video-recordings which I have seen which demonstrate
Malema
making the sound of a gun and singing in a staccato rhythm leading a
crowd chanting the verses of the song. The audience
received the
version decoded and saw the circumstances and context in which the
words were sung. It seemed to them, as is apparent
from the effect
the song had upon them, that the decoding given to them by the Press
was correct namely that Malema was encouraging
persons to “
shoot
the Boer”.
Thereafter the words, notwithstanding the primary meaning they
originally had, had a new primary meaning for the audience –
“shoot
the Boer”.
On the latest occasions when Malema sang the song he knew the song
would be published as
“shoot
the Boer”
.
He is responsible for the publication and consequences of that
singing as if he had sung the translated words.
[
107] During
the course of the trial the focus was primarily on the words which
were translated to mean
“shoot
the Boer”.
While the focus was not on the remaining words those words must not
be forgotten. There is no dispute concerning those words, their
translation and meaning. Those words are derogatory, dehumanizing and
hurtful.
[1
08] The
message which the song conveys namely destroy the regime and
“shoot
the Boer”
may
have been acceptable while the enemy, the regime, remained the enemy
of the singer. Pursuant to the agreements which established
the
modern, democratic South African nation and the laws which were
promulgated pursuant to those agreements, the enemy has become
the
friend, the brother. Members of society are enjoined to embrace all
citizens as their brothers. This has been dealt with more
fully above
in the context of the written laws and agreements. It must never be
forgotten that in the spirit of ubuntu this new
approach to each
other must be fostered. Hence the Equality Act allows no
justification on the basis of fairness for historic practices
which
are hurtful to the target group but loved by the other group. Such
practices may not continue to be practised when it comes
to hate
speech. I accordingly find that Malema published and communicated
words which could reasonably be construed to demonstrate
an intention
to be hurtful to incite harm and promote hatred against the white
Afrikaans speaking community including the farmers
who belongs to
that group. The words accordingly constitute hate speech.
[109] To
sum up:-
1.
Publication of words at a political rally must be treated as
publication to the nation.
2.
The intention of the person who utters the words is irrelevant.
3.
The first question to be decided is what the words mean.
4. What the
words mean is to be determined by applying the test of what the
words would mean to a reasonable listener having
the common
knowledge and skill attributed to an ordinary member of society.
5
.
The fact that portions of society do not know the meaning of words
either because they are unable to decode the words to find
the
meaning (they do not understand what is being said) or are not
exposed to them is irrelevant. If the words have a meaning
to a
portion of society that is sufficient.
6.
Words can simultaneously:
(1) have
different meanings;
(2)
mean
different things to different people.
7.
If
the words have different meanings, then each meaning must be
considered and be accepted as a meaning. The search is not to
discover an exclusive meaning but to find the meaning the target
group would reasonably attribute to the words.
8.
If
the words mean different things to different portions of society
then each meaning, for the reasonable listener in each portion
of
society, must be considered as being the appropriate meaning.
9.
Once
the meaning is ascertained a decision must be made as to whether
or not the meaning is reasonably capable
of
demonstrating an intention to commit hate speech.
10. If words
constitute hate speech they cannot be justified on the basis of a
claim of right to sing them. Justification is
not a defence
as it does not change the character of the words as hate speech.
11. The
singing o
f
the song by Malema constituted hate speech.
11.1. The
words whether sung in the original language or not mean.
11.1.1. shoot the boer farmer,
11.1.2. they rape us,
11.1.3. they are scared the cowards,
11.1.4. they rob these dogs,
11.2. The
words are published of, and concerning a recognizable, if not
precisely identifiable grouping in society.
11.3. The
words undermine t
heir
dignity, are discriminatory and
harmful.
No
justification exists allowing the words to be sung.
T
he
words were in any event not sung on a justifiable occasion.
[110] It
was submitted that the law might be unable to enforce its order in
the form of an interdict as people are passionate about
the right to
sing the song and will ignore the order. They will sing the song in
private or in circumstances where it is difficult
or impossible to
prevent its singing (e.g. where people unexpectedly and
spontaneously burst into song). The answer is that
such people must
pursue new ideals and find a new morality. They must develop new
customs and rejoice in a developing society by
giving up old
practices which are hurtful to members who live in that society with
them. The Equality Act does not only seek to
prohibit conduct. It
seeks in the very prohibition to open avenues of conciliation; to
confer dignity upon all members of society
by assisting them to find
the building blocks necessary to shape their ability to make the
judgments which will regulate their
future conduct. The Equality Act
seeks to drive this process forward by setting the moral standard to
which members of society
must adhere. The wide powers the Equality
Act provides enable a Court to craft its order so as to meet this
difficulty. Court orders
must be strictly enforced and obeyed. There
is a criminal sanction for breach in the form of contempt.
Section
8.2
of the Equality Act grants powers to direct:
1
. specific
steps be taken to stop hate speech (8.21 (2) (f)
2.
special
measures be implemented to address the hate speech in question
(8.21 (2) (h) ),
3.
compliance
with its provisions (8.21 (2) (p) ).
[11
1] Parties
to the proceedings can be directed to comply with provisions of the
Equality Act. Such parties can be dealt with by way
of contempt
proceedings for non compliance. Persons who are not parties to the
proceedings must be dealt with by way of structuring
the order so
that society knows what conduct is acceptable. Persons who are aware
of the line which has been drawn by the Court
are as a matter of both
law and ubuntu obliged to obey it. There may be no immediate criminal
sanction. Their breach of the standard
set by this Court will however
surely result in the appropriate proceedings under the Equality Act
being taken against them. Non
participants are bound by orders
setting such standards. The Equality Act contemplates that they will
be so bound. The orders of
the Court which set the law are no
different from any order of any Court which determines what the law
is. The course open to a
non participant who is aggrieved is to try
to persuade the Court hearing his particular matter that the order of
the other Court
is clearly wrong.
[112] I
propose to:-
1. direct the standard which society must meet,
2. interdict breach of that standard by the participants,
3. publish to
society that it is expected of each member both as a matter of law
and in the spirit of ubuntu, that he or she
comply with the order
4. direct Malema to pay the costs.
COSTS
[11
3] The
discretion exercised by a Court in making a costs order is a
discretion in the strict or narrow sense. See
:
Manong and Associates v City of Cape Town
2011 (2) SA 90
at 115. The primary consideration of an award of costs
in constitutional litigation is the way such order hinders or
promotes the
advancement of
constitutional justice. See:
Biowatch
Trust v Registrar, Genetic Resources
2009 (6) SA 232
para 16.
[
114] In
the present matter the repeated conduct of Malema in singing the song
which he knew had been translated to mean something
which injured the
target group, leads me to direct him to pay some of the costs of the
proceedings. The role of the ANC was limited
to an attempt to protect
the right of singing the song. It was misguided in its belief that it
should be allowed this right. It
was not misguided to the extent it
sought a ruling concerning the singing of the song otherwise than by
Malema, i.e. to the extent
it sought to assist me to appreciate the
perspective of its constituents.
[11
5] Parties
should feel free to approach this Court to lodge complaints. A fear
that costs may be awarded against them inhibits such
persons from
taking steps to implement their rights. Parties who wish to defend
their rights must similarly feel free to place
their defence before
Court. Costs orders must give due cognisance to this fact. Parties
(such as the ANC in the present matter)
join in litigation to express
the views of their constituencies. Such parties form a vital part of
the process as they bring the
norms and customs of the sectors of
society which they represent to the attention of the Court. These
parties do not necessarily
act in a morally blameworthy manner by
doing so. By their conduct in opposing and joining with other
defendants they may be perceived
to be identifying themselves with a
cause. This is not necessarily so and care must be taken not to
simply award costs against
them for the reason that they happen to
end up on the “losing side”.
[116] In the
present matter the hate speech had its origin in the repeated conduct
of Malema whose words in translation drew the
attention of the target
group to the song. Malema well knowing of the translation persisted
in singing the song knowing of the
impact it would have on the target
group.
[117] The
meaning of the words is such a gross infringement of the target
group’s rights that it cannot be that Malema did
not know he
was acting wrongfully towards them. His moral culpability when
measured in this fashion warrants an appropriate costs
order against
him.
[118] The ANC
on the other hand sought after the event, to justify the continued
active existence of the song as an item which has
historical value,
social and cultural relevance. The song it sough to protect was
un-translated and had until the singing by Malema
on the occasions
referred to been uncontroversial. It seems to have genuinely occupied
an innocuous niche. The song
will never again on the
probabilities be innocuous. This notwithstanding, the ANC was
entitled to express the views of its constituency
and explain the
role the song played in that constituency. It is in my view not
culpable in participating in the proceedings and
no order should be
made against it insofar as costs are concerned. Orders must be made
against it dealing with the singing of the
song as it has control
over the conduct of the persons who hold rallies in its name and on
its behalf.
[119
] The
applicants chose to litigate luxuriously, no doubt as they sought
orders on matters near and dear to them. The trial was of
long
duration and much evidence was allowed in the interests of society as
much as in the interest of the parties. Malema in my
view should not
be made to pay for all these costs. This matter could have been dealt
with on the basis of the known facts at the
commencement of the
hearing and the video. Little if any other evidence made any
difference to the outcome. Malema in my view should
pay the costs
limited to a hearing of three days.
[
120] I
wish to express my gratitude to all counsel who appeared, for their
useful and instructive input. Their extensive research
and insightful
submissions have afforded me the luxury of exposure to all facets of
this matter. Many of the matters raised by
them have not been dealt
with in this judgment expressly, I have however throughout had due
regard to all submissions made to me.
I must in particular thank the
amici curiae who attended Court each day and who at no cost to anyone
except themselves provided
me with valuable inputs. I must also
compliment all counsel who throughout in a competent and professional
manner managed a long,
difficult and sensitive matter in which
passions from time to time ran high.
THE ORDER
1. The words
(
“the
words”) set out below constituted hate speech on the
occasions the first respondent sang them:-
1.1. awudubula
ibhunu,
1.2. dubula
amabhunu baya raypha.
2. The first
and second respondents are interdicted and restrained from singing
the song known as Dubula Ibhunu at any public
or private meeting
held by or conducted by them (“the song”).
3. The words and the song constitute hate speech.
4. The morality of society dictates that persons should refrain
from:-
using
the words,
singing
the song.
The first
respondent is to pay the costs of
the first and second claimants as if the trial had run for three
days and no experts had been called.
Save as aforesaid each party shall pay its own costs.
_____________________________
C.G.
LAMONT
JUDGE OF THE SOUTH GAUTENG
HIGH COURT, JOHANNESBURG
Attor
neys
for First Claimant : Hunter Spies Inc
Cou
nsel
for First Claimant : Adv. MSM Brassey SC
Adv. MJ Engelbrecht
Attorn
eys
for Second Claimant : Loubser van der Walt Inc
Coun
sel
for Second Claimant : Adv. R. du Plessis SC
Adv. RJ de Beer
Attorneys for First & Second
Respondent :
Mkhabela Huntley Adekeye Inc
Counsel for First and Second
Respondent :
Adv. I.V. Maleka SC
:
Adv. M. Sikhakhane
:
Adv. V. Ngalwana
Attorneys
for Amicus Curiae : Len Dekker Inc
Cou
nsel
for Amicus Curiae : Prof. JJ Malan
Adv. N. Hartman
Date of
hearing :
7 April 2011
Date of
judgment :
12 September 2011