S v Matshili and Others (613/89) [1991] ZASCA 48; 1991 (3) SA 264 (AD); (6 May 1991)

78 Reportability
Criminal Law

Brief Summary

Criminal Law — Murder — Common purpose — Appellants convicted of four counts of murder during a strike — Appellants initially pleaded not guilty but later changed pleas to guilty, admitting to participation in the murders — The deceased were non-strikers taken by force and killed as an act of intimidation against non-participating workers — Legal issue of whether the death sentence was appropriate in light of mitigating and aggravating factors — Court held that the brutal and premeditated nature of the murders warranted the death penalty for four appellants, while one appellant received a lesser sentence due to found extenuating circumstances.

Comprehensive Summary

Summary of Judgment


1. Introduction


This matter was a sentence appeal in the Supreme Court of South Africa (Appellate Division), arising from convictions on, inter alia, four counts of murder committed during a period of labour unrest. The appeal was confined to sentence and was brought with the leave of the trial judge.


The parties were Wilson Matshili (first appellant), Patrick Molefe (second appellant), Phineas Netshitungulwane (third appellant), Takalani David Mamphaga (fourth appellant), and George Maungedzo (fifth appellant) as appellants, and the State as respondent. In the trial court the appellants were designated accused 2, 5, 6, 7 and 9 respectively, and the judgment on appeal primarily referred to them by those designations.


The appellants (together with other accused) were tried in the Witwatersrand Local Division before SPOELSTRA J sitting with assessors. They were convicted on four murder counts. In respect of accused 2, 5, 7 and 9, the trial court found no extenuating circumstances and imposed the death sentence. In respect of accused 6, extenuating circumstances were found and a sentence of 12 years’ imprisonment (on the four murder counts taken together) was imposed. The present appeal challenged these sentences.


The general subject matter concerned the appropriate punishment for multiple, exceptionally violent murders committed in the context of a strike, and the extent to which psychological “mob” or crowd influences could operate as mitigating factors reducing moral blameworthiness. A further significant feature was the coming into operation, after trial, of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 107 of 1990, which altered the approach to the death sentence and required the appellate court to reconsider sentence afresh.


2. Material Facts


The murders were committed on the night of 28 April 1987 against the background of a strike by a large number of black employees of the South African Transport Services (SATS). The appellants were among the strikers. The four deceased were SATS workers who were not participating in the strike.


On that day, the four deceased and a fifth person, Albert Phuluwa, were taken by strikers from workplaces in Johannesburg to a building called Cosatu House, where hundreds of strikers had gathered. During the afternoon, a call went up from members of the crowd that the five workers should be killed. The court treated the events at Cosatu House and the subsequent attacks as central to both aggravation (brutality, intimidation) and mitigation (the atmosphere and group influence).


At about 20h00, three of the workers were taken by car, accompanied by a number of strikers, to a secluded area outside Johannesburg called Prolecon. There one worker was repeatedly stabbed with a large bread knife, and a rock weighing about 31 kg was repeatedly dropped onto his head. The other two, whose hands and feet were bound, were also struck repeatedly on their heads with the rock. The car returned to Cosatu House to fetch the other two non-strikers. One was Phuluwa, who escaped when they arrived at Prolecon; the other was taken into the bush, tied, stabbed (the knife broke), and then repeatedly struck with the rock. Petrol was poured over the bodies and they were set alight, although the deceased had already died. The district surgeon recorded the cause of death in each case as “multiple injuries” including skull fractures and brain damage.


A key factual feature for sentencing was that the appellants initially pleaded not guilty, but changed their pleas at the end of the State case and tendered pleas of guilty, together with admissions describing their participation. The admissions established that they were at Cosatu House, became aware of the decision to kill the non-strikers, agreed with it, and performed acts which, on the basis of common purpose, rendered them guilty of the four murders.


The admissions delineated each appellant’s role. Accused 2, 5, 6 and 9 went with the first three deceased to Prolecon. Accused 5 stabbed two of the deceased and assisted in holding the victims while they were bound. Accused 9 dropped the rock on the head of one of the first three deceased. Accused 6 did not take part in the attack itself and left after the first killing. Accused 7 arrived later with the fourth deceased (and Phuluwa), threw the rock several times on the fourth deceased’s head, and then struck the other three bodies with the rock. Accused 2 had purchased petrol earlier that day and poured it over the corpses.


As to disputed or contested matters relevant to mitigation, the State challenged aspects of the appellants’ accounts of their subjective states and the expert conclusions drawn from them, contending that the murders were calculated and that time away from Cosatu House (including the drive to Prolecon and the interval between groups of killings) would have dissipated any crowd influence. The court, however, treated the defence evidence on these matters as uncontradicted for purposes of assessing whether the State had displaced a reasonable possibility of diminished responsibility.


3. Legal Issues


The central legal questions concerned sentencing, specifically whether (in light of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 107 of 1990) the death sentence remained the only proper sentence for accused 2, 5, 7 and 9, and whether accused 6’s 12-year imprisonment sentence warranted interference on appeal.


The dispute required the court to engage in the application of legal principles to facts and in a value judgment about appropriate punishment, balancing aggravating features against mitigating considerations and the purposes of punishment. Central to that exercise was whether the evidence of “mob psychology” and situational pressures (including alleged de-individuation, conformity pressure, and obedience pressure) reasonably established diminished moral blameworthiness sufficient to avoid the death penalty.


In addition, the court had to determine the consequence of the new sentencing regime under the 1990 Act for an appeal where the trial court had approached sentence through the then-operative framework of extenuating circumstances. This included determining how to treat onus-related considerations in assessing mitigating factors once the appellate court was required to reconsider sentence afresh.


4. Court’s Reasoning


The Appellate Division held that, since the coming into operation of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 107 of 1990, its task was to consider sentence afresh and to determine whether, having regard to aggravating and mitigating factors and the purposes of punishment, the death sentence was the only proper sentence. Under this approach it was no longer necessary for an accused to prove extenuating circumstances in order to avoid the death penalty.


In evaluating aggravation, the court emphasised the nature and manner of the killings. Four persons were killed in a manner described (in agreement with the trial court) as brutal and gruesome, involving stabbing, binding, crushing head injuries with a large rock, and burning of bodies. The deceased were defenceless, and there was evidence of dolus directus and a lack of impulsivity, with a period of time between the decision to kill and the implementation, and (for some appellants) an interval before the fourth deceased was killed. The court also treated certain acts as indicative of preparation and planning, including accused 2’s purchase of petrol and accused 5’s role in fetching the car used to transport victims.


The court also regarded the motive as significantly aggravating. The murders were not only directed at punishing particular non-strikers but were committed to coerce other workers and pressure SATS, amounting to intimidation and terror. The burning of bodies was viewed as reinforcing the message intended by the perpetrators. The victims were characterised as innocent persons exercising a right to work, given neither an opportunity to explain nor a chance to cease working, and shown no mercy.


On mitigation, the court accepted that the strike context generated severe stressors, including frustration at deadlocked negotiations, termination of employment, lack of income, inability to find alternative work, food shortages, and confrontations with police. The court treated this context as explaining an intense hostility toward non-strikers, who were viewed (unreasonably, but subjectively) as “scabs” or “verraaiers/mpimpis” responsible for the strikers’ predicament. This receptiveness to violence was treated as a mitigating factor in explaining why the appellants were drawn into the idea of killing, even though it was not presented as their own original idea.


A substantial portion of the reasoning addressed the psychological evidence about crowd influence at Cosatu House. The trial court had described the atmosphere as hot, dirty, noisy, marked by singing and dancing, with inflammatory songs and speeches, ululation, and “wild” dancing, with strikers also airing grievances publicly. Expert testimony by psychologists and an anthropology professor was led to the effect that such circumstances can produce crowd violence through pressures of conformity, modelling, arousal, obedience to authority figures, and “de-individuation,” potentially diminishing responsibility. The appellate court noted that such principles had featured in S v Safatsa and Others 1988 (1) SA 868 (A) and S v Thabetha and Others 1988 (4) SA 272 (T), and accepted that mob psychology could, in principle, operate as a mitigating factor.


The court, however, stressed that whether group influence actually diminished an accused’s responsibility was a question of fact in each case. It observed that the trial court had accepted the phenomena in principle but was not persuaded that they sufficiently diminished moral responsibility for accused 2, 5, 7 and 9 under the extenuation test then applied, though it had found them influenced to varying degrees.


In reassessing the evidence, the appellate court took into account the appellants’ own descriptions of anger, confusion, and loss of control, and the experts’ opinions that certain appellants were intensely de-individuated, with possible obedience pressures (particularly in relation to evidence that some were told to stab or strike). The State attacked the expert evidence on multiple bases, including the contention that the experts did not interview appellants, that the trial court had found them poor witnesses and rejected parts of their evidence, that the appellants minimised their roles, and that time away from Cosatu House should have permitted reflection and dissipated the crowd influence. The State argued that the murders were calculated and wicked rather than crowd-driven.


Despite acknowledging that the State’s argument had some merit, the appellate court concluded it could not prevail. It held that the matter had to be approached on the basis that it was for the State to disprove the mitigating factors under consideration, and found that this onus had not been discharged. The appellants’ evidence on their subjective states stood uncontradicted, as did the expert testimony. The court therefore held there was a reasonable possibility that the duration of exposure at Cosatu House was sufficient to affect the appellants, that the influence did not cease upon departure, that although it might have waned it continued to determine conduct to a substantial degree at Prolecon, and that conformity, obedience, and solidarity continued to play a role even where there was some time for reflection.


From this, the court drew the conclusion that the appellants suffered from a lack of self-restraint they would ordinarily have exercised, and therefore acted with diminished responsibility, reducing moral guilt despite the brutality and reprehensibility of the crimes. This inference was reinforced by personal circumstances, including that accused 5, 7 and 9 were first offenders, accused 2’s prior assault convictions were dated and not treated as negating the conclusion, and that all had been employed for years, had family responsibilities, and expressed remorse.


Balancing aggravating and mitigating factors with the purposes of punishment, the court accepted that societal outrage and retribution weighed heavily and that ordinarily the murders would merit the utmost severity. Nonetheless, it held that the cumulative mitigating factors meant that the death sentence was not imperatively called for, that rehabilitation was not excluded, and that deterrence could be adequately served by substantial imprisonment.


In fixing substituted sentences, the court considered differences in participation but held that the roles of accused 5, 7 and 9 did not justify differential punishment among them. It imposed 21 years’ imprisonment (treating the four murder counts as one for sentence) for accused 5, 7 and 9, and 18 years’ imprisonment for accused 2, whose role was treated as somewhat lesser on the basis that his direct participation was confined to bringing and pouring petrol. The court also directed concurrency in relation to sentences imposed on the appellants for certain other related crimes.


In respect of accused 6 (third appellant), the court upheld the trial court’s finding of extenuation and sentence of 12 years’ imprisonment, rejecting the contention that it was unduly severe. It distinguished the sentence imposed on a co-accused (accused 8) on the basis that accused 8’s role was lesser. It also held that the trial judge had been generous in describing accused 6 as merely an approving bystander, pointing to his association with the decision to kill, his escorting of the first three deceased to Prolecon, and his guarding role while victims were tied, notwithstanding that he left after the first killing.


5. Outcome and Relief


The appeal by accused 2, 5, 7 and 9 against sentence succeeded. Their death sentences were set aside and substituted with terms of imprisonment, with the four murder counts treated as one for purposes of sentence. Accused 5, 7 and 9 were each sentenced to 21 years’ imprisonment, and accused 2 was sentenced to 18 years’ imprisonment. The court further ordered that sentences imposed on these appellants in respect of certain other counts were to run concurrently with the new sentences.


The appeal by accused 6 against his sentence of 12 years’ imprisonment was dismissed, and his sentence was left undisturbed.


No separate costs order was recorded in the judgment.


Cases Cited


S v Safatsa and Others 1988 (1) SA 868 (A)


S v Thabetha and Others 1988 (4) SA 272 (T)


Legislation Cited


Criminal Law Amendment Act 107 of 1990


Rules of Court Cited


No rules of court were cited in the judgment.


Held


The Appellate Division held that, under the sentencing approach required by the Criminal Law Amendment Act 107 of 1990, it had to reconsider sentence afresh and decide whether the death penalty was the only proper sentence. Although the murders were exceptionally brutal, planned to a degree, and motivated by intimidation associated with strike enforcement, the court held that there remained a reasonable possibility that powerful crowd influences and situational pressures at Cosatu House diminished the appellants’ self-restraint and reduced their moral blameworthiness. On that basis, the death sentences imposed on accused 2, 5, 7 and 9 were not the only proper sentences and were replaced with substantial terms of imprisonment.


The court further held that accused 6’s 12-year sentence, imposed on the basis of a lesser role and accepted diminished responsibility, was not disturbable on appeal.


LEGAL PRINCIPLES


The judgment applied the principle that, following the commencement of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 107 of 1990, an appellate court must approach sentencing (including the death penalty) by reconsidering the matter afresh, determining whether the death sentence is the only proper sentence after weighing aggravating and mitigating factors and the purposes of punishment, rather than applying a framework that requires proof of extenuating circumstances to avoid death.


It reaffirmed that mob or crowd psychology may, depending on the facts, constitute a mitigating consideration in sentencing, because pressures of conformity, obedience, heightened arousal, and “de-individuation” may diminish an individual’s capacity for self-regulation and reduce moral blameworthiness, even where intention to kill is present.


It further reflected that whether crowd influence reduced responsibility is a fact-based inquiry; where the State fails to displace a reasonable possibility that such influence materially affected the accused’s conduct, the court may treat responsibility as diminished for purposes of sentence.


The judgment also illustrated that, in fixing sentence among co-perpetrators convicted on common purpose, the court may differentiate according to relative participation, but may still impose equal terms where differences do not justify materially different punishment, and may order concurrency where appropriate in relation to sentences on related counts.

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[1991] ZASCA 48
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S v Matshili and Others (613/89) [1991] ZASCA 48; 1991 (3) SA 264 (AD); (6 May 1991)

CASE NO. 613/89
/
CCC
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF
SOUTH AFRICA
(APPELLATE DIVISION)
In the matter between:
WILSON MATSHILI
FIRST
APPELLANT
PATRICK MOLEFE
SECOND APPELLANT
PHINEAS
NETSHITUNGULWANE
THIRD APPELLANT
TAKALANI DAVID
MAMPHAGA
FOURTH APPELLANT
GEORGE MAUNGEDZO
FIFTH
APPELLANT
and
THE STATE
RESPONDENT
CORAM
: NESTADT, KUMLEBEN
et F H GROSSKOPF JJA
DATE HEARD
: 4 MARCH 1991
DATE
DELIVERED
: 6 MAY 1991
JUDGMENT
NESTADT, JA
:
The five appellants, together with a number of other accused, were convicted
by SPOELSTRA J, sitting with
2/
2.
assessors, in the Witwatersrand Local Division on
inter alia
four
counts of murder. In the cases of first, second, fourth and fifth appellants no
extenuating circumstances were found and they
were sentenced to death. In the
case of third appellant extenuating circumstances were found and he was
sentenced to 12 years' imprisonment
(the four counts being taken together). This
appeal, brought with the leave of the judge a
quo
, is against their
sentences. I shall in the main refer to the respective appellants as accused 2,
5, 6, 7 and 9. This was their designation
in the trial court.
The crimes were
committed on the night of 28 Aprii 1987. They took place against the background
of a strike, which was then in progress
on the Witwatersrand, of a large number
of black employees of the South African Transport Services ("SATS"). Appellants
were amongst
those who were striking. The four deceased were workers who were
not participating in the strike. On the day in
3/
3. question they, together with a fifth person called Albert
Phuluwa, were taken by strikers from the various places in Johannesburg
where
they were working to a building in the city called Cosatu House. Here hundreds
of strikers were gathered. Cosatu House was
the headquarters of the
South
African Railways Workers' Union, a trade union which though not
recognised by SATS, was attempting to negotiate with SATS on behalf
of the
strikers. During the course of the afternoon a cry went up from members of the
crowd that the five workers should be killed.
At about 8 pm three of them,
accompanied by a number of the strikers, were taken by car to a secluded spot
outside Johannesburg called
Prolecon. There one of the workers was repeatedly
stabbed with a large bread knife. He fell to the ground. A rock weighing some 31
kg was thrown on his head several times. The other two, whose hands and feet had
been bound, were then f lung to the ground. They
too were time and again
4/
4. struck with the rock on their heads. In the meantime the
car returned to Cosatu House to pick up the other two non-strikers. One
of them
was Phuluwa. They were taken in it by other strikers to the same place. As they
all alighted, Phuluwa managed to escape.
But the other person was escorted a
short distance into the bush where the original group of strikers was waiting.
His hands and
feet were tied. He was stabbed with the knife. It broke. The rock
was then dropped several times onto his head. Finally petrol was
poured over the
four bodies which were then set alight. By this time, however, the deceased had
already died. In each case the cause
of death is given by the district surgeon
who performed the post-mortem examinations as "multiple injuries". These
included a fractured
skull and consequential brain damage.
Appellants initially pleaded not guilty to the five counts of murder. At the
end of the State case,
5/
5. however, they changed their pleas. Pleas of guilty were
then tendered. At the same time they made certain admissions. These deal
with
the part each appellant played in the crimes. They were at Cosatu House on the
afternoon of 28 April. It appears that they heard
about the decision to kill the
non-strikers and that they agreed with it. And thereafter they performed certain
acts which, on the
basis of common purpose, made them guilty of the four
murders. In outline, the participation of each was the following. Accused 2
(first appellant) was one of those who went with the first three deceased to
Prolecon. So too did accused 5 (second appellant), accused
6 (third appellant)
and accused 9 (fifth appellant). It was accused 5 who stabbed (two of the
deceased). Prior to this he had assisted
in holding the deceased whilst they
were bound. Accused 9 dropped the rock on the head of one of the first three
deceased. Accused
6 did not actually take part in
6/
6. the attack on any of the deceased. He left after the first
one had been killed. Accused 7 arrived with the fourth deceased (and
Phuluwa).
When this deceased had been stabbed (by accused 5), accused 7 threw the rock
several times on that deceased's head. He
noticed the other three lying on the
ground. He struck them several times on their heads with the rock. Finally
accused 2 poured
petrol over the corpses. He had purchased the petrol earlier
that day.
Since the conclusion of the trial in the court a
quo
, the
Criminal Law Amendment Act, 107 of 1990, has come into operation. Its effect has
been dealt with in a number of recent decisions
of this Court. In brief, our
task is to consider sentence afresh. We have to decide whether, having due
regard to the presence or
absence of mitigating and aggravating factors, and
bearing in mind the main purposes of punishment, the death sentence is the only
proper sentence. So no longer is it necessary
7/
7. for an accused to prove extenuating circumstances in order to avoid
its imposition.
There are a number of aggravating factors. One is the nature
of the crime and the manner of its commission. Four persons were killed.
I
cannot but agree with the trial court's description of the murders as "brutal...
and gruesome". The deceased were babarically and
ruthlessly slaughtered. Their
suffering must have been extreme. They would have known for some time before
that they were to be killed.
They were quite defenceless. Appellants acted with
dolus directus
. They did not act impulsively. Quite a few hours passed
between the time the decision to kill the deceased was made and its
implementation.
And (as far as accused 2, 5 and 9 are concerned) there was an
interval of some twenty minutes before the fourth deceased was brought
to the
scene. So
8/
8.
there was time for reflection (though whether they did and if so to what
extent is, as will be seen, another matter). As regards some
of appellants, the
murders were preceded by a degree of active preparation and planning. I have
already referred to accused 2's purchase
of the petrol which he took to the
scene and poured over the bodies of the four deceased. Accused 5 during the
afternoon went with
one of his co-accused to fetch the car that was later used
to convey the deceased to Prolecon. All five appellants helped to guard
one or
more of the deceased at Cosatu House during the afternoon or when they were
forced into the car and driven away or when they
were led into the bush after
alighting from the car. Then there is the motive for the murders. The evidence
establishes that it was
not merely to punish the particular deceased for not
participating in the strike, but also to coerce non-strikers to stop working
and
to compel SATS to come to
9/......
9. terms with the strikers. This explains why after the deceased
were killed their bodies were burnt. It accentuated the message that
appellants
sought to convey, viz, that there had to be solidarity with the strike, lest it
collapse. In short, the murders were an
act of intimidation; indeed one of
terror. And the unfortunate victims were innocent, law-abiding citizens who had
simply been exercising
their right to work and earn a living. They were given
neither the opportunity of explaining their actions, nor the chance of ceasing
their employment. They were shown no mercy.
What has been stated makes this a particularly serious case. On the other
hand, there are certain factors which are strongly mitigating.
They emerge from
appellants' evidence read with certain lengthy expert testimony given on behalf
of the defence. This consisted of
the opinions of three psychologists and a
professor of
10/
10. anthropology. The pith of what they said was that
appellants were subject to certain powerful, situational forces or influences
which caused them to behave in an uncharacteristically violent manner.
I turn
to a consideration of what those forces were. In doing so, I do not propose to
deal with the detailed evidence (and argument)
concerning how the strike
started; what caused it to spread; the attempts between representatives of the
strikers and SATS to negotiate
a settlement; and whose fault it was that this
was not achieved (before 28 April 1987). It seems to me that the relevance of
these
matters is somewhat tenuous. The same applies to the various grievances
about their working conditions with SATS, to which appellants
also testified.
What is important is the situation as it existed on the day in question - and
how it subjectively affected appellants.
There was to begin with a sense of
frustration. The strike
11/
11.
had now been going on for some weeks. Talks with SATS had become deadlocked.
In the meantime appellants, and their co-strikers, were
out of work. SATS had
terminated their employment on 22 April. There was no question of them obtaining
employment elsewhere. They
therefore had no income. Dependants could not be
supported. There was a shortage of food. There had been confrontations between
strikers
and the police. Some strikers had been.killed. In these circumstances
it is not surprising that emotions were running high. This
is reflected in the
attitude of the strikers towards those employees of SATS who had not joined the
strike. A feeling of intense
anger towards them developed. Their continued
employment was regarded as enabling SATS to hold out against the strikers and
thus
prevent the termination of the strike on terms favourable to the strikers.
They were seen as scabs or, in their words, as "verraaiers"
or "mpimpis".
Already some days
12/
12.
prior to 28 April, action was taken against them.
Numbers
of workers (a figure of about 240 was mentioned in the
evidence)
were forceably brought to Cosatu House. There
they were beaten up by strikers
and then allowed to leave.
And on the fateful day the four deceased and
Phuluwa were, .
shortly after their arrival at Cosatu House,
also
assaulted. It is clear that appellants approved of this
conduct. This
was because, for the reasons stated, they
fully shared the feeling of hostility and sense of
grievance towards these
people. The following evidence
of accused 6 typifies his and his co-accused's thinking:
"(W)hen I found that these people were being punched, kicked, and I also agreed
to that, that that was the proper thing.
Why did you think that? So what I thought was
seeing that these people had gone to work or they were not on strike, they are
some of the people who caused the management or SATS
not to come and discuss or
talk with us, and I even thought within myself that seeing that the people were
going back to work one
by one the SATS or the railway would also think that we
were also going to go back to work. But we the workers had
13/
13.
thought that we would only go back after we had had the discussion with the
management."
Indeed, accused 2 participated in the
assault of one of the
deceased. He twice hit him with a broomstick. He
says
he did this because "they were the people who were giving
more power
to the SATS or to our employers that our
employers should not be able to come
and solve this problem
with us." Accused 9, describing how he felt at
Prolecon,
said:
"I was still very much cross ... Personally I was cross because these people
were working ... Well it affected me because at home
people were
suffering or dying of hunger and I did not have
money."
This then was appellants'
state of mind when the
call for the five workers to be killed went up. They were
regarded as having betrayed the cause of the strike. They
were believed to be partly responsible for the strikers'
predicament. This was not a reasonable outlook. But it
does serve to explain appellants' willingness to
14/
14.
participate in what thereafter happened. It made
them
receptive, indeed easy prey, to the idea (which was not
theirs) of killing the "mpimpis". In my view this is a
mitigating
factor.
But the issue of mitigation does not rest there.
Of
fundamental importance in assessing appellants' moral
blameworthiness is the
mood that prevailed at Cosatu House
on the afternoon of 28 April and its influence on
appellants. It will be
remembered that, hundreds of
strikers had congregated there. Cosatu House had over the
preceding days
become their (and appellants') regular
meeting place. SPOELSTRA J, in his
careful judgment,
describes conditions there as follows:
"From 22 April onwards there was much noise, singing and dancing in the big hall
which increased as time went by. It seems to have
reached it's climax on the day
of the murders. Conditions in the big hall were described in various ways. It
was hot and dirty. The
strikers ran out of money and could not buy
food.
15/
15.
They collected money from those who still had some and bought bread and
Sweet-Aid which they shared between them. Some of the accused
insisted that they
sang only hymns and spirituals. We think the evidence of others on the
probabilities justifies the conclcusion
that many of the songs were clearly
inflammatory and of a political nature. One must also assume that any speeches
delivered to these
meetings would have been of a similar nature.
One of the accused described how on the day of the murders the women made a
high-pitched crying noise by fluttering their tongues,
which is apparently known
as ululation. The dances were wild."
One should add
that at the gatherings at Cosatu House, it
was the custom for strikers to
publically air the
complaints they had against their working conditions.
This
included allegations of harsh treatment by SATS. It can
be accepted that
this took place on 28 April as well.
The experts to whom I have referred deal in
detail with the effect of these conditions (and other
factors) on appellants. Reliance is placed on a number of
psychological phenomena which they say are, in these
16/
16.
circumstances, likely to arise and which may resuít in
what
we know as mob behaviour or crowd violence. These
principles have
featured in two recently reported cases.
They are
S vs Safatsa and
Others
1988(1) SA 868(A) and
S vs
Thabetha and Others
1988(4) SA 272(T). Both involved the
issue of extenuating circumstances. A summary of the
expert evidence in
Thabetha's
case is to be found in 1988
Annual Survey of South African
Law at pp 417-8 in the
chapter on Criminal Procedure (written by Professors Paizes
and Skeen). It
reads:
"It is not uncommon for people without a violent predisposition to act
differently in crowds and to engage in atypical violent behaviour.
This is
occasioned by a number of factors. First ... there are strong pressures on an
individual in such circumstances to conform,
both because the aggressive conduct
of the crowd comes to be perceived as normative and appropriate and because of
the fear of disapproval,
rejection or even physical harm. There is, too, the
question of obedience to authority figures which must be considered in these
cases. A third factor is what is referred to by psychologists as 'modelling': a
number of studies have shown that
17/
17.
people who observe aggressive models are likely to be far more aggressive ... as
people who observe non-aggressive models. Then,
fourthly, there is the question
of psychológical arousal caused by shouting, singing, dancing or other
kinds of physical exertion,
which may deprive members of a crowd of rational
thought and lead to heightened aggression.
Where all or some of these reactions occur, the result is frequently what is
called 'deindividuation', in which a person loses his
self-awareness and focuses
all his attention cm his environment. This state induces behaviour similar to
that of people who are hypnotised
or intoxicated. It interferes with one's
cognitive abilities and hampers one's ability to regulate one's conduct.
External cues replace
internal standards of behavioral direction and one becomes
emotional, impulsive and irrational. And, if additional factors such as
provocation and endemic political frustration are added to this already
combustible mix, the result may well be diminished
responsibility."
I refer to this quotation because
it accurately and
usefully reflects the views of the expert witnesses in
our
case. They were, as SPOELSTRA J put it, that a member of
such a group subject to these influences "becomes
disinhibited and there
is an increase in the probability
18/
18. that his normally restrained behaviour will be abandoned
if the context offers the opportunity to do so".
The court a
quo
accepted the evidence of the phenomena referred to. There is no problem about
this. They accord with age-old descriptions of the
mob as "our supreme
governors" and "that great enemy of reason" (see
Stevenson's
Book of
Quotations sv "The people"). And there is no dispute that this mob psychology
was, in principle, capable of constituting
a mitigating factor (as it did in
Thabetha's
case). Whether it does is in each case a guestion of fact,
namely, did what I call the group influence result in the accused's
responsibility
being diminished to an extent sufficient to reduce his mdral
guilt? SPOELSTRA J, in the light of the test then applicable, concluded
that
extenuating circumstances had not been established. Though holding that "the
accused were influenced to varying degrees by these
factors" and
19/
19. that "none . . . was lef t completely unaffected by one or more
of these influences" it would seem that the learned judge was
not convinced that
this was sufficient to diminish their moral responsibility for what they
did.
It is necessary to deal with the evidence in some detail. Each appellant
described how he was affected and what his state of mind
was shortly before the
murders. Thus accused 2 said that: "I was very very much angry in such a manner
that I did not even understood
that whatever I was doing. I was just confused. I
did not even know if I was doing the right thing or not." According to accused
5, when he got into the car (to take the first three deceased to Prolecon) "dit
het gêlyk asof die werkers was nou mal ...
ek (was) ook kwaad". Asked why
he stabbed, he answered: "Ek sal dit nie kan eintlik sê nie maar al wat ek
kan sê is dat
dit het gelyk asof ons was mense wat getoor was". On hearing
that the workers were
to.be
killed
20/
20.
accused 7 said "I was fed up and I did not know what to do. I
appeared to be a madman and I was not so certain of my whole thinking
whether I
was in my senses". Asked to describe his feelings at the scene of the crimes, he
said: "Wel al wat ek kan sê is dat
ek was nie in my volle gedagtes nie en
verder wat daar gebeur het het dit gelyk asof dit is net h droom". The general
tenor of accused
9's evidence is that he too was swept up by the atmosphere at
Cosatu House.
The expert evidence regarding accused 2 was that though clearly
de-individuated, the degree thereof was less than the other accused.
Accused 5
was thought to have been intensely de-individuated; he "simply did not have the
ability for self-reflection, he did not
have adequate self-awareness to come to
a reasoned decision about the moral propriety of his actions". Accused 5's
evidence was that
21/
21. at Prolecon he was given a knife and told to stab (the first
deceased). Based mainly on this, the opinion was expressed that he
had also been
exposed to "fairly clear-cut obedience pressures. He is a man who appears to
have been worked up by situational forces
into a highly abnormal state of mind
and then, once he was in that abnormal state of mind at the scene of the murder,
ordered by
someone to stab the victims, which he did in a frenzied, ineffectual
manner quite unlike the cold-blooded, single-minded behaviour
of somebody who is
in full possession of his senses I think". Accused 7 was said to have been
"clearly de-individuated". This would
probably have "increased his vulnerability
to powerful obedience pressures". These had reference to accused 7's evidence
that, having
realised that it was "wrong" to kill deceased, he had wanted, on
seeing the four deceased being attacked, to flee the scene. But
he was told to
stay there. And he was instructed to
22/
22.
pick up the rock and strike the four deceased with it
(which he then did). Accused 9, who because of his
anger and frustration
was said to be a "walking time-bomb"
when he arrived at Cosatu House on 28
April, was "probably
in a very high state of de-individuation" (during the
events that
followed); "his actions are ones that just
defy any kind of rational person
analysis". He displayed
"an almost sheep-like conformity to the unanimous group
pressure in Cosatu
House... (He) presents a classic
picture ... throughout his evidence of pure,
unreflective
conformity". With regard to all these accused, one of the
psychologists, a
Dr Colman, summed up as follows:
"The fact that these men behaved in the manner that seems to have been quite out
of character is itself a remarkable fact, one that
leads me at least to the
strong presumption that unusual and powerful causal factors must lie behind
their uncharacteristic behaviour...
I have no doubt in my own mind that these
forces were very powerful in every case and that they go a long way towards
explaining
why the accused behaved in what, for all of them I think, was a
wholly
23/
23.
uncharacteristic manner. It is my honest opinion as an experienced social
psychologist that these situational forces, taken together,
were probably
sufficiently compelling to induce most ordinary people to behave in a manner
similar to the way the accused behaved,
were they but to be exposed to the same
psychological pressures. Although none of these situational forces is
irresistible and that
much is clear from the scientific evidence, their combined
effects were in all cases so powerful, given the most unusual confluence
of
circumstances in Cosatu House, that it would have taken unusual personal
gualities I believe to have resisted them
altogether".
Counsel for the State
launched a wide-ranging and
comprehensive attack on the cogency of this evidence. In
broad outline, it
was the following. The experts took
considerations into account which it was
said were too far
removed from the events of 28 April to give rise to
any
justifiable inferences. They did not interview
appellants. They relied on their evidence as recorded.
But the trial court
had correctly found appellants to have
been unsatisfactory witnesses and had with justification
rejected certain parts of their evidence. In particular,
24/
24. so the argument continued, accused 2, 5 and 7
dishonestly minimised the role they had played at Prolecon. There were strong
indications
that accused 2 was not as passive at the scene as he alleged. It was
said that besides the petrol, he also had with him the knife
and rope. And the
veracity of the evidence that accused 5 and 7 were subject to obedience
pressures was challenged. The experts conceded
that in some other respects their
opinions that appellants were de-individuated were based on false premises. They
agreed there were
facts which were inconsistent with certain of their
conclusions. For instance, accused 9 conceded that even as early as the
beginning
of April, he would have been prepared to kill non-strikers. It was
also pointed out that appellants had, prior to 28 April, gone
to Cosatu House on
an irregular basis. The contention was that they therefore would not have been
much affected by the atmosphere
there. Even on the
25/
25. day in question, some had not been exposed to it for
very long. This was because they had either arrived there late or because,
as in
the case of accused 5, he had left Cosatú House to fetch the car. So he
in particular had time to reflect. And, even
more significantly, the duration of
the drive from Cosatu House to Prolecon would have dissipated the influence of
conditions at
Cosatu House on appellants. There was also the further interval
between the first three murders and the fourth. In the result, so
Mr
Ferreira
submitted, the influence of events at Cosatu House was, at the time of the
murders, no longer operative to any meaningful degree;
the actions of appellants
were calculated and wicked.
The argument is not without merit. Nevertheless,, I do not think it can
prevail. We have to approach the matter on the basis that
it was for the State
to disprove the mitigating factors under consideration. In my view, it
26/
26.
has not discharged this onus. Though appellants'
credibility is suspect, their evidence stands uncontradicted. So does that of
the
experts. Accordingly, whatever criticisms there are of the defence evidence,
there exists in these circumstances the reasonable possibility
that (i) the
duration of appellants' presence at Cosatu House on 28 April was sufficient to
affect them as the psychologists state
(though not necessarily in each case to
the extent they allege) ; (ii) the influence of the mob there did not suddenly
cease when
appellants departed with the workers; (iii) though it thereafter
might (in respect of certain appellants) have waned, their actions
at Prolecon
continued, to a substantial degree, to be determined by the inflammatory
environment at Cosatu House; (iv) even if bý
then there was time for
reflection, the element óf obedience to and solidarity with the group and
the strong inclination to
conform, played a role. In brief, appellants
suffered
27/
27.
from a lack of self-restraint, which it is fair to
assume they would otherwise have exercised. They therefore acted with diminished
responsibility. This being só, thëir moral guilt must, despite the
brutality of the crimes and however reprehensible
their conduct, be regarded as
having, for this reason too, been reduced.
The inference that appellants are
not normally of violent disposition is strengthened by a consideration of their
backgrounds. Though
of mature years (at the time of the trial they were aged 28,
25 and 36 respectively) accused 5, 7 and 9 are first offenders. Accused
2 (33
years old) has two previous convictions. They date back to 1983. One was for
assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm
and the other for common assault.
I do not think that these detract from the conclusion referred to. All four
appellants had, prior
to the strike, been in the employ of SATS for a number of
years. Each seems to have had strong
28/
28.
family ties and a sense of responsibility towards their
dependents. Each
testified to having remorse for what they had done.
Those then are the
mitigating factors. Weighing them against those which are aggravating and having
regard to the main purposes of
punishment, is the death sentence the only proper
sentence? The sense of outrage that society would naturally have and the need in
these circumstances to take account of the element of retribution, must count
heavily in favour of an affirmative answer. As I have
said, these murders can
only be regarded as very serious. Normally they would have merited the utmost
rigour of the law. I have come
to the conclusion, however, that the cumulative
effect of the mitigating factors is such that the death sentence is not
imperatively
called for. Appellants were subjected to psychological forces which
caused them to act in an uncharacteristically violent manner
towards persons
against whom they had an intense resentment. So
29/
29.
these crimes were committed under abnormal
circumstances.
There is no reason to think that appellants cannot be
-rehabilitated. Nor would the deterrent aspect of punishment be inadequately
catered for by the imposition of a period of imprisonment. In all the
circumstances, the interests of society would in my view be
adeguately served by
appellants' lives being spared.
The periods of imprisonment to be imposed in
substitution of the death sentences will obviously have to ' be substantial. The
mitigating
factors cannot detract from this. The sentences must be much heavier
than those of certain co-accused who were also found guilty
of murder (with
extenuating circumstances) but whose participation in the murders was less
active. Should the sentences of accused
2, 5, 7 and 9 be the same? It will be
recalled that their participation in the murders differed. But I do not think
that in the case
of accused 5, 7 and 9 this is sufficient to justify their
punishment being different. A proper
30/
30.
sentence in my view is one of 21 years' imprisonment
(in
respect of all four counts) . This takes into account that they (and
accused 2) were, prior to the outcome of their trial, in gaol
for about two
years. Accused 2 must be sentenced on the basis that his actual participation
was confined to bringing petrol to the
scene and that after the murders he
poured the petrol over the deceased bodies. He therefore played somewhat of a
lesser role than
the others. He will be sentenced to 18 years' imprisonment.
Here too the four crimes will be treated as one. Appellants were sentenced
to
certain further periods of imprisonment in respect of other related crimes which
they were found guilty of. It will be directed
that these run concurrently with
the sentence that is now being imposed.
The remaining issue is the appeal of
accused 6 against his sentence of 12 years' imprisonment. He was aged 25. He too
has no previous
convictions. The trial court found that he was also to some
extent de-individuated,
31/
31. that he probably suffered from some frustration or
aggression and that conformity and obedience also played a part. It was on
this
basis, coupled with the fact that "he was inactive and at most an approving
bystander", that extenuating circumstances were
found. It was submitted that his
sentence was unduly severe; this was especially so if regard was had to the 8
years' sentence that
was imposed on a co-accused (accused 8). I do not agree.
Accused 8's role was a lesser one than that of accused 6. The trial judge
was
generous to accused 6 in describing him as a mere approving bystander. He
associated himself with the decision to kill the deceased.
He helped escourt the
first three deceased to Prolecon. He guarded them there whilst two of them were
tied up. It is to his credit
that he left the scene after the one deceased had
been stabbed and after his head was crushed with the rock. Nevertheless, there
is in my view no justification for interference.
32/
32. The following order is made: 1. (a) The appeals of
first, second, fourth and fifth appellants (accused 2, 5, 7 and 9) succeed.
Their sentences of death are set aside.
(b) In substitution, the following sentences in
respect of counts 12, 13, 14
and 15 (being the
four counts of murder of which they were found
guilty)
and which for the purposes of sentence are
treated as one, are
imposed:
(i) In the case of accused 5, 7 and 9, 21
years' imprisonment, (ii) In the case of accused 2, 18 years' imprisonment
(c) The sentences imposed on appellants by the judge
a
quo
in respect
of certain other counts on which
they were convicted are to run concurrently
with
the sentences now imposed.
33/
33.
2. The appeal of third appellant (accused 6) is dismissed.
NESTADT, JA
KUMLEBEN, JA )
) CONCUR F H GROSSROPF, JA)