President of the Republic of South Africa and Others v South African Rugby Football Union and Others - Judgment on recusal application (CCT16/98) [1999] ZACC 9; 1999 (4) SA 147; 1999 (7) BCLR 725 (4 June 1999)

80 Reportability
Constitutional Law

Brief Summary

Constitutional Law — Recusal application — Application for recusal of judges of the Constitutional Court — Fourth respondent alleging reasonable apprehension of bias against members of the Court — Court finding no objective grounds for recusal — Application dismissed. The fourth respondent, Dr Louis Luyt, sought the recusal of four judges of the Constitutional Court, claiming bias due to adverse credibility findings made against the President in prior proceedings. The Court unanimously held that the recusal application was without merit, as the applicant failed to establish reasonable grounds for the judges' recusal, and thus dismissed the application.

Comprehensive Summary

Summary of Judgment


1. Introduction


This judgment concerns an application for the recusal of members of the Constitutional Court in pending appeal proceedings. The recusal application was brought shortly before the hearing of an appeal arising from High Court review proceedings in which the President’s decision to appoint a commission of inquiry into aspects of the South African Rugby Football Union (SARFU) had been reviewed and set aside.


The parties in the recusal application were the President of the Republic of South Africa, the Minister of Sport and Recreation, and the Director-General of the Department of Sport and Recreation (as appellants in the main appeal), opposed by SARFU, two rugby unions, and Dr Louis Luyt (the fourth respondent in the appeal and the applicant for recusal). The recusal application was directed at five members of the Court (ultimately pursued against four), while also alleging that all members of the Court were biased.


The procedural history relevant to the recusal application was that De Villiers J in the Transvaal High Court had reviewed and set aside the President’s decision and proclamation made under the Commissions Act. In that judgment, the High Court made credibility findings adverse to the President, the Minister, and the Director-General, which the Constitutional Court noted were relevant to the recusal application only insofar as they formed part of the context for the applicant’s apprehension of bias. The appellants initially sought leave to appeal to the Supreme Court of Appeal, but later noted an appeal to the Constitutional Court and sought condonation for late filing; condonation was granted by the Constitutional Court in earlier proceedings.


The general subject-matter of the recusal dispute was whether, in light of alleged political, professional, and personal connections (and certain procedural rulings in earlier interlocutory proceedings), a reasonable, objective, and informed person would reasonably apprehend that the implicated justices would not bring an impartial mind to bear on the appeal.


2. Material Facts


It was common cause that the recusal application was lodged on 29 April 1999, shortly before the appeal was due to be heard on 4 May 1999, after the Court and counsel had already undertaken substantial preparation. The appeal record was extensive (over 6500 pages) and written argument substantial (close to 1000 pages). The Court sat en banc, with a quorum requirement of eight; if five judges recused themselves, the quorum would have been broken and the appeal could not proceed as scheduled.


The Court treated as material the fact that, prior to the launch of the application, the fourth respondent’s attorney addressed correspondence to the President of the Constitutional Court requesting that each member of the Court answer a series of questions (described by the Court as “interrogatories”) about political affiliations, participation in constitutional negotiations, relationships and social contact with the President, prior legal representation, alleged animosity towards the attorney, and comments about the High Court judge. The Court also treated as material that the judges declined to answer the interrogatories as framed, but later clarified particular factual matters that were specifically put.


A key set of facts became undisputed during argument because counsel for the fourth respondent accepted, “unhesitatingly,” the correctness of a statement read in open court (“the Justices’ statement”) addressing alleged factual inaccuracies and providing limited supplementary information. On those accepted facts, the following were material.


As to political affiliation, it was accepted that certain justices (including Langa DP, Mokgoro J, O’Regan J, Sachs J, and Yacoob J) had previously been members of the African National Congress (ANC) prior to appointment, that they severed ties with the ANC before or immediately upon appointment, and that no member of the Court was a member of any political party at the time.


As to the allegations directed at Chaskalson P, it was accepted that he had appeared as a junior advocate in the defence team at the Rivonia Trial in 1963–1964, but that he was not briefed by President Mandela or his firm in his career at the Bar and last appeared for President Mandela or Mrs Mandela over 25 years earlier. It was accepted that President Mandela attended the religious ceremony at Chaskalson P’s son’s wedding on 23 November 1997, that the President was one of more than 300 invited guests, attended the ceremony but not the reception, and was not “guest of honour.” It was accepted that the relationship between Chaskalson P and the President was cordial and largely formal, that they were not social friends, and that social contact was limited, including one dinner at the President’s home some years earlier in connection with a mutual friend.


As to allegations directed at Langa DP, it was accepted that he had never attended a private dinner at the President’s home; the remaining relied-upon facts were confined to his prior involvement with the ANC in the transition period.


As to allegations directed at Sachs J, it was accepted that he had never dined privately at the President’s home; the remaining allegations relied on his past ANC leadership roles and further contentions advanced in a supplementary affidavit.


As to allegations directed at Yacoob J, the allegations were similarly based on prior ANC association and involvement in constitutional negotiations and political trials, together with an asserted failure of disclosure.


As to Kriegler J, the Court recorded that the fourth respondent withdrew the recusal application during argument; the Court treated that withdrawal as demonstrating that the allegations against him lacked substance, and accordingly did not determine them on the merits.


Certain allegations made against all members of the Court were treated as falling away or being abandoned during argument once the legal and factual context was clarified. In particular, the fourth respondent’s counsel abandoned the contention that it was improper or unusual for the Constitutional Court to hear an appeal involving factual disputes once it was explained that the Court is obliged to determine factual disputes where they relate to constitutional issues.


3. Legal Issues


The central legal questions were whether the recusal application raised a constitutional matter within the meaning of section 167 of the Constitution, and whether, applying the correct objective test for apprehended bias, the fourth respondent had established grounds requiring recusal of any of the judges concerned (and, given the breadth of allegations, whether any member of the Court was obliged to recuse).


The dispute concerned primarily the application of law to fact. It required the Court to identify the governing recusal test in South African law as informed by constitutional guarantees of a fair hearing before an independent and impartial tribunal, and then to evaluate whether the (correct) facts, considered cumulatively, could support a reasonable apprehension of bias in the mind of a reasonable, objective, and informed person.


A further procedural issue arose as to who should decide the recusal application in the context of the Constitutional Court: whether each judge whose recusal was sought should decide individually, or whether the Court should decide collectively. The Court treated this as connected to its constitutional obligations and institutional role, particularly because there is no appeal from a Constitutional Court decision and because an incorrect refusal to recuse could contaminate the Court’s ultimate decision.


4. Court’s Reasoning


The Court grounded its approach in constitutional provisions securing the right to a fair public hearing before an independent and impartial tribunal (section 34), the duty of courts to apply the law impartially and without fear, favour, or prejudice (section 165(2)), and the judicial oath in Schedule 2. It accepted that the common-law doctrine of recusal is part of the rules of natural justice, but held that the doctrine must be understood and applied consistently with the Constitution and the Bill of Rights (including sections 8(1) and 39(2)).


On jurisdiction, the Court reasoned that if a judge sits when disqualified by a reasonable apprehension of bias, this would be inconsistent with section 34 and breach section 165(2) and the oath of office. For that reason, the recusal application was held to raise a constitutional matter, and the Court held it had a duty to consider the issue and ensure that any disqualified member did not participate.


On procedure, the Court accepted that judges have jurisdiction to decide applications for their own recusal. However, because the Constitutional Court is the ultimate court in constitutional matters and its decisions are not subject to appeal in the ordinary way, the Court emphasised that an incorrect refusal to recuse by one judge could taint the validity of proceedings, potentially requiring other members not to sit with that judge. Against that background, and with the agreement of counsel, the Court adopted the approach of hearing the applications simultaneously before the full bench, with judges considering the matter both individually and collectively.


On the substantive test, the Court affirmed that the test for recusal based on perceived bias is objective, with the onus on the applicant. It preferred the terminology of a reasonable apprehension of bias, rather than “suspicion,” but treated the concepts as equivalent in substance as used in authority. The Court described the applicable question as whether a reasonable, objective, and informed person, on the correct facts, would reasonably apprehend that the judge would not bring an impartial mind to bear, meaning a mind open to persuasion by the evidence and argument.


The Court stressed two built-in features of the test. First, there is a presumption of judicial impartiality, rooted in the nature of the office, the judicial oath, and training and experience; the threshold for perceived bias is therefore high and requires cogent grounds. Second, the Court acknowledged that judges inevitably bring life experience and perspectives to adjudication; impartiality does not require a “neutral cipher,” but does require an ability to decide according to law and evidence rather than irrelevant predispositions.


The Court also rejected the submission that judges of a highest court should more readily recuse themselves merely to set an example. It emphasised the countervailing duty to sit in cases where not disqualified, particularly given the Constitutional Court’s constitutional design (its size, quorum, representativity objectives, and the institutional undesirability of strategic or opportunistic recusal applications). The Court cautioned that justice being seen to be done cannot be used to encourage litigants to seek disqualification in the hope of obtaining a more favourable bench.


Applying these principles, the Court considered the applicant’s “cumulative basket” approach, but held that only correct facts capable of contributing to a reasonable apprehension could be placed in that basket. It then assessed the principal categories of allegations.


The Court rejected allegations directed at the Court as a whole suggesting that interlocutory decisions (including the decision to hear the appeal, the timing of the hearing, filing dates, and costs orders) created an appearance of partiality favouring the President. It found that these allegations were founded on misunderstandings or incorrect propositions about the Court’s jurisdiction and procedures. It also pointed out that reasons had been furnished in the earlier condonation judgment for the relevant orders and that the fourth respondent’s counsel did not demonstrate any error in that reasoning. In addition, an allegation that the appeal was heard on an “expedited” basis to suit the President was rejected on the basis that the hearing date was in the ordinary course of the Court’s roll.


The Court rejected the contention that the Court’s fixing of filing deadlines demonstrated partiality, noting that counsel for the fourth respondent did not object at the time the dates were fixed, and that the difficulty alleged later was not made known when directions were considered. Similarly, the costs-related complaints were rejected as unreasonable, especially where the earlier costs order had been explained in the condonation judgment and where the order calling upon the attorney to show cause regarding a de bonis propriis costs order was linked to the lateness of the postponement request and the fairness of potentially not visiting the wasted costs on the litigants.


The Court also rejected as irrelevant to recusal the broader political context relied upon by the fourth respondent, including the President’s public stature, the political significance of credibility findings, and public criticism of the High Court judge. The Court treated these factors as incapable, without more, of grounding a reasonable apprehension of bias by the Constitutional Court.


A central aspect of the applicant’s argument was that judges would be reluctant to make adverse credibility findings against a President who had appointed them, and that adverse findings could provoke political consequences. The Court rejected this reasoning as premised on a fallacious understanding of judicial appointments. It explained the constitutional and interim constitutional procedures for appointing members of the Constitutional Court, including the role of the Cabinet, consultation requirements, and the Judicial Service Commission shortlist mechanism, and held that the suggestion of personal gratitude or improper influence was unfounded.


The Court then addressed prior political associations, holding that political activity or affiliation before appointment to the bench is not uncommon and does not in itself disqualify a judge. In South Africa’s constitutional context, the Court reasoned that support for constitutional values and opposition to the “old order” would predictably have been relevant to many candidates’ public lives, and it would be ironic if this alone rendered them ineligible. The Court articulated the principle that a reasonable apprehension of bias cannot be based on prior political associations unless the subject matter of the litigation arises from those associations or activities, which was not alleged in this case.


Turning to the individual judges, the Court held that the response by Chaskalson P to the attorney’s interrogatory letter did not provide a basis for apprehended bias and that no reasonable litigant with legal advice would infer bias from that response. On alleged past advocate-client relationships, the Court held that prior representation decades earlier, without personal knowledge relevant to the issues and long concluded, was not a basis for recusal. On alleged personal relationships, the Court accepted the limited and largely formal contact as described in the Justices’ statement and held that it did not demonstrate a close relationship capable of grounding apprehended bias. It also rejected as lacking substance the contention that the appearance of Chaskalson P’s son as counsel for the appellants demonstrated close family ties with the President; it noted that family members appearing before judges has been accepted practice and was not presented as an independent ground of recusal in argument. The Court further held that there was no obligation on Chaskalson P to disclose irrelevant information, and that non-disclosure of irrelevant facts cannot itself create a reasonable apprehension of bias. The Court treated reliance on a former judge’s opinion expressed in a book as irrelevant.


For Langa DP and Yacoob J, the Court treated the remaining allegations as turning on prior ANC membership and participation in transitional structures, which were matters of public record and not a basis for recusal in litigation unrelated to those activities. For Sachs J, the Court similarly held that prior ANC leadership roles did not ground apprehended bias given severance of party ties upon appointment, and it dismissed as particularly inappropriate the reliance on injuries suffered by Sachs J in the anti-apartheid struggle as a basis for alleging bias. It further regarded the supplementary allegations about an internal ANC commission of inquiry as of no relevance to bias in the present appeal, noting that the issue had been canvassed by the Judicial Service Commission in the appointment process.


Finally, because the application against Kriegler J was withdrawn, the Court considered it unnecessary to determine the allegations against him and recorded only that the withdrawal demonstrated lack of substance.


5. Outcome and Relief


The Constitutional Court unanimously dismissed the application for the recusal of the judges concerned. It held that the recusal application was a constitutional matter within section 167 of the Constitution and that the applicant failed to establish, objectively, reasonable grounds for recusal.


Each of the four judges against whom recusal was pursued agreed with the conclusion as it applied to them and declined to recuse. The application’s dismissal meant the appeal could proceed without the quorum difficulty that would otherwise have arisen.


The Court reserved the issue of the wasted costs occasioned by the recusal application for determination in the judgment on the merits of the appeal.


Cases Cited


President of the Republic of South Africa and Others v South African Rugby Football Union and Others [1998] ZACC 21; 1999 (2) SA 14 (CC); 1999 (2) BCLR 175 (CC).


Council of Review, South African Defence Force, and Others v Mönnig and Others 1992 (3) SA 482 (A).


Moch v Nedtravel (Pty) Ltd t/a American Express Travel Service 1996 (3) SA 1 (A).


BTR Industries South Africa (Pty) Ltd and Others v Metal and Allied Workers' Union and Another [1992] ZASCA 85; 1992 (3) SA 673 (A).


R v Milne and Erleigh 1951 (1) SA 1 (A).


R v Bow Street Metropolitan Stipendiary Magistrate and others, ex parte Pinochet Ugarte (No 2) [1999] UKHL 1; [1999] 1 All ER 577 (HL); [1999] 2 W.L.R. 272.


Reg v Gough [1993] UKHL 1; [1993] AC 646.


Committee for Justice and Liberty et al v National Energy Board (1976) 68 DLR (3d) 716.


R. v. S. (R.D.) (1997) 118 CCC (3d) 353.


Livesey v The New South Wales Bar Association [1983] HCA 17; (1983) 151 CLR 288.


Reg v Watson; Ex parte Armstrong [1976] HCA 39; (1976) 136 CLR 248.


Re J.R.L.: Ex parte C.J.L. [1986] HCA 39; (1986) 161 CLR 342.


Laird v Tatum [1972] USSC 193; 409 US 824 (1972).


Commonwealth of Pennsylvania and Raymond Williams et al v Local Union 542, International Union of Operating Engineers, et al 388 F. Supp. 155 (1974).


S v Collier 1995 (2) SACR 648 (C).


S v Bam 1972 (4) SA 41 (E).


S v Ndou 1971 (1) SA 668 (A).


S v Mandela 1972 (3) SA 231 (A).


S v Mandela 1974 (4) SA 878 (A).


S v Radebe 1973 (1) SA 796 (A).


R v T 1953 (2) SA 479 (A).


Beyers v Pretoria Balieraad 1966 (2) SA 593 (AD).


Society of Advocates of South Africa (Witwatersrand Division) v Cigler 1976 (4) SA 350 (T).


Fedsure Life Assurance Ltd and Others v Greater Johannesburg Transitional Metropolitan Council and Others [1998] ZACC 17; 1999 (1) SA 374 (CC); 1998 (12) BCLR 1458 (CC).


Premier, Mpumalanga, and Another v Executive Committee, Association of State Aided Schools, Eastern Transvaal [1998] ZACC 20; 1999 (2) SA 91 (CC); 1999 (2) BCLR 151 (CC).


Pretoria City Council v Walker 1998 (2) SA 363 (CC); 1998 (3) BCLR 257 (CC).


Legislation Cited


Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, sections 1, 8(1), 34, 35(3), 39(2), 165(2), 167(2), 167(3), 167(4), 167(5), 174(2), 174(4), 175(1), and Schedule 2 item 6.


Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 200 of 1993 (Interim Constitution), sections 97(2)(a), 99(3), 99(4), 99(5), 105(1), 233(3), and 233(4).


Commissions Act 8 of 1947.


Rules of Court Cited


Constitutional Court Rule 15(2).


Held


The Court held that an application for recusal of Constitutional Court judges engages the constitutional guarantee of a fair hearing before an independent and impartial tribunal and is therefore a constitutional matter within the meaning of section 167 of the Constitution, falling within the Court’s jurisdiction.


The Court held that the governing test for recusal on the basis of perceived bias is an objective test resting on the applicant’s onus: whether a reasonable, objective, and informed person, on the correct facts, would reasonably apprehend that the judge would not bring an impartial mind to bear on the adjudication.


The Court held that the allegations relied upon by the applicant—whether concerning interlocutory rulings, the timing and costs of procedural directions, the political context, prior political associations, historic professional contact, or limited formal social contact—did not, individually or cumulatively, establish a reasonable apprehension of bias on the correct facts. The recusal application was therefore dismissed, and costs were reserved.


LEGAL PRINCIPLES


An application for recusal implicates the constitutional right to a fair hearing before an independent and impartial tribunal (section 34), and a judge who sits while disqualified by a reasonable apprehension of bias acts inconsistently with constitutional obligations, including section 165(2) and the judicial oath.


The test for recusal based on perceived bias is objective and requires the applicant to establish that a reasonable, objective, and informed person, viewing the matter realistically and practically and on the correct facts, would reasonably apprehend that the judge would not bring an impartial mind to bear.


The test incorporates a presumption that judges are impartial by virtue of their office, oath, training, and experience, and recognises that judges inevitably possess perspectives formed by life experience; impartiality requires openness to persuasion by evidence and argument, not the absence of all predispositions.


Judges have a duty to recuse where disqualified, but also a duty to sit where not disqualified. Courts should not accede too readily to allegations of appearance of bias in a manner that would encourage litigants to attempt to shape the composition of the bench.


Prior political associations or activities before judicial appointment do not, without more, ground a reasonable apprehension of bias, particularly where ties have been severed upon appointment, unless the subject matter of the litigation arises from those associations or activities. Non-disclosure of facts that are not reasonably relevant to recusal cannot itself found a reasonable apprehension of bias.

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President of the Republic of South Africa and Others v South African Rugby Football Union and Others - Judgment on recusal application (CCT16/98) [1999] ZACC 9; 1999 (4) SA 147; 1999 (7) BCLR 725 (4 June 1999)

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CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA
Case
CCT 16/98
THE PRESIDENT OF THE
REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA First Appellant
THE MINISTER OF SPORT AND TOURISM Second Appellant
THE DIRECTOR GENERAL OF THE NATIONAL Third Appellant
DEPARTMENT OF SPORT AND RECREATION
versus
SOUTH
AFRICAN RUGBY FOOTBALL UNION First Respondent
GAUTENG LIONS RUGBY UNION
Second Respondent
MPUMALANGA RUGBY UNION
Third Respondent
DR LOUIS LUYT Fourth Respondent
Heard on : 4 - 6 May 1999
Decided on : 7 May 1999
Reasons delivered on : 4 June
1999
JUDGMENT ON RECUSAL APPLICATION
THE COURT:
[1] On 7 May 1999, the ten
members of this Court
[1]
unanimously
dismissed an application brought by the fourth respondent, Dr Louis Luyt, for
the recusal of four members of the Court.
The following order was made:
“After considering the arguments addressed to us during the past three
days we have come to a firm decision on the application
for recusal and on the
order to be made. The preparation and delivery of reasons for this decision
would further delay the hearing
of the appeal which has already been delayed by
the time taken in dealing with the application. We will accordingly give
reasons
for our decision later. Our decision on the application, which is a
unanimous decision of all the justices of this Court, is as
follows:
1. The application for the recusal of the four members of this Court is a
constitutional matter within the meaning of section 167
of the Constitution, and
this Court accordingly has jurisdiction to decide the application.
2. The applicant has failed to establish that, objectively regarded, there are
grounds for any of the four judges to recuse themselves.
3. Each of the four judges concerned agrees with this conclusion in so far as it
applies to himself and declines to recuse himself.
4. The application for recusal is accordingly dismissed.
5. The wasted costs occasioned by the application for recusal are
reserved.”
The reasons for the order appear from this
judgment.
The previous proceedings
[2]
[ On 17 April 1998 De
Villiers J, sitting in the Transvaal High Court, made an order reviewing and
setting aside the decision of the
President of the Republic of South Africa (the
President) to appoint a commission of inquiry into certain financial and
administrative
aspects of the South African Rugby Football Union (SARFU) and
related matters. He also set aside a proclamation which had been made
by the
President under the Commissions
Act.
[2]
The reasons for the orders
made by De Villiers J were given on 7 August
1998.
[3]
It is relevant to the
recusal application that the learned judge made credibility findings adverse to
the President,
[4]
the Minister of
Sport and Recreation (the Minister) and the Director General of Sport and
Recreation (the DG).
[3] The proceedings in the
High Court were launched by SARFU, the Gauteng Lions Rugby Union, the Mpumalanga
Rugby Union and the fourth
respondent.
[5]
The President was
cited as the first respondent, the Minister as the second respondent and the DG
as the third respondent. We
shall henceforth refer to the applicants in the
High Court as the respondents and to the respondents in the High Court as the
appellants.
[4] The President and the other two appellants initially
lodged an application in the High Court for leave to appeal to the Supreme
Court
of Appeal. They did so after the order had been made but prior to the
furnishing of reasons. However, before that application
was heard, they lodged
a notice of appeal in this Court and simultaneously applied for an order
condoning the late filing thereof.
SARFU and the other applicants opposed the
application for condonation contending that any appeal against the orders made
by De
Villiers J should be heard by the Supreme Court of Appeal and not by this
Court. The application for condonation was granted in
terms of an order made by
this Court on 2 December 1998. The reasons for that order appear from the
judgment of Chaskalson P.
[6]
[5] In terms of the order of 2 December 1998, the hearing of the appeal
was to have begun on 23 March 1999. However, pursuant to
a request from the
respondents’ attorneys the hearing was postponed to 4 May
1999.
The recusal application
[6] Shortly before the
appeal was due to be heard, the fourth respondent lodged an application for
recusal in which he stated that
he had “a reasonable apprehension”
that every member of this Court would be biased against him, and that as a
result
he might not get a fair trial. In addition to various averments which he
made concerning all the members of this Court and on which
this apprehension was
said to be based, the fourth respondent went on to make specific averments
pertaining to the President and
Deputy President of the Court, and three of its
other members, Kriegler J, Sachs J and Yacoob J. The application for recusal
was
addressed only to these five members of the Court because, said the fourth
respondent, “after careful deliberation” he
had decided not to
include the other judges in his application, “but to leave it to the
conscience of such individual members”.
The details of the allegations
made against all the members of this Court will be referred to later. It is
sufficient for the moment
to say that the fourth respondent apprehended improper
motives on the part of all the members of this Court. If that apprehension
were
reasonable, all its members would have been under a duty to recuse themselves,
despite the fact that no formal application for
such relief was made.
[7] This was an unprecedented application for recusal, implicating each of
the judges of this Court, questioning their impartiality,
and impugning the
integrity of the Court as an institution. On the fourth respondent's own
showing, the circumstances on which
his suspicion that the Court was biased
against him had existed and been known to him for more than three months before
the application
was launched. As will appear from what is said later, the
averments made against the five judges whose recusal was specifically
sought,
were based on information which in almost all material respects was either known
to the fourth respondent, or was a matter
of public record and must have been
known to him or his legal advisors for some time prior to the launching of the
application.
[8] The recusal application was lodged with the
registrar on the afternoon of Thursday 29 April 1999. The first day of the
Court’s
term was Monday 3 May 1999. The appeal was due to commence on
Tuesday 4 May 1999 and nine court days had been reserved for the hearing.
The
appeal record consisted of more than 6500 pages, and close to a thousand pages
of written argument had been lodged with the
Court. All the judges had been
engaged in preparing for the appeal during the Court recess. The same no doubt
applied to the three
counsel and the attorneys representing the appellants.
[9] This Court sits en banc and all of its available members are
expected to sit in every case. Its quorum is eight of its
members.
[7]
If the five judges were
to have recused themselves the quorum would have been broken and the appeal
would not have been able to
proceed. The appellants had an appeal to this Court
as of right. Having elected to exercise that right, no other court had
jurisdiction
to hear the appeal.
[8]
It is against this background that the application for recusal had to be
decided.
[10] At the very outset we wish to acknowledge that a
litigant and her or his counsel who find it necessary to apply for the recusal
of a judicial officer has an unenviable task and the propriety of their motives
should not lightly be questioned.
[9]
Where the grounds are reasonable it is counsel's duty to advance the grounds
without fear. On the part of the judge whose recusal
is sought there should be
a full appreciation of the admonition that she or he should “not be unduly
sensitive and ought not
to regard an application for his [or her] recusal as a
personal
affront”.
1
[0]
The
correspondence which anticipated the recusal applications
[11] On 13
April 1999 the fourth respondent's attorney, Dr David Botha (Botha), addressed a
letter to the President of this Court,
Chaskalson P. Having regard to the
importance of this letter it is as well to set out its terms in full.
“We refer to the hearing in the appeal of this matter, which has been set
down for 4 May 1999.
We address this letter to you on the instructions of Dr Luyt, being the Fourth
Respondent in the aforesaid matter.
Our client has consulted us as a result of a strong perception which he
entertains that he might not receive a fair hearing in the
above matter, a view
which appears to be shared publicly.
The matter has always been political, but since the order that the President
appear personally to be examined and cross-examined
and since the Court
a
quo
has made the adverse credibility findings relating to the President, the
matter has increasingly become a political issue.
The two main opposing litigants are the respective leaders of opposing political
parties.
The position is further complicated by the fact that the President and
individual members of this Honourable Court have all been
appointed by President
Mandela himself.
Under the circumstances our client is concerned that he might not get a fair
hearing and in particular is concerned that some of
the members of the Court
might not be able objectively and impartially to adjudicate on the credibility
of the President and relevant
issues.
The client’s perception and fear in this regard arise not only from the
aforegoing and other obvious considerations such as
the tremendous standing that
our President has, both nationally and internationally, but also from certain
information that he has
received and from allegations that have been made to him
relating to the past involvement of some or more of the members of this
Court
with the President or his family, relating to the political affiliation and
involvement of one or more of the members of this
Court, relating to the
personal relationships and social contact between the President and some of the
members of the Court, and
relating to animosity between a member of the Court
and the client’s attorney of record.
Our client does not know whether the information and allegations referred to
above are correct or not, and our client and ourselves
are very conscious of the
fact that information received, allegations made and rumours are often not true
and often over-stated
or distorted. Nevertheless, it is clearly in the
interests of justice and in the interests of the country as a whole that these
concerns be addressed.
Under the circumstances we are ethically and duty bound to write this letter on
behalf of our client.
Much of the aforegoing falls within the peculiar knowledge of each of the
members of this Court. It has therefore become important
and in fact imperative
that the correct facts be ascertained so that either our client’s fears
can be allayed or that we can
advise him on his further rights and on whatever
further steps he may want to take.
Unfortunately, it is simply not practical to raise these concerns in chambers
with every member of the Court, as would normally be
done with a single Judge
and under the circumstances it is with great hesitation and with due respect
that this letter is written
as the only practical way of addressing the
problem.
In an attempt, however, to avoid publication and to avoid impairing the dignity
of the Court, we have taken the liberty of addressing
this letter to the
President of this Honourable Court personally.
Under the circumstances our client respectfully requires clarity on and
information about the aspects formulated below, from each
of the members of this
Honourable Court.
It is unfortunately unavoidable, that the undermentioned aspects are formulated
in the form of questions. We therefore respectfully
request that the
undermentioned aspects be addressed by each of the members of this Court.
1. Whether the member has had any active and public affiliation or involvement
with any political party in the past;
2.Whether the member actively assisted President Mandela or the ANC during the
period of negotiations leading up to the acceptance
of the interim
constitution;
3. Whether there is any family or personal relationship between the member and
President Mandela or any of the other Appellants;
4. Whether there is or has been any social contact between the member and
President Mandela or any of the other Appellants and, if
so, the nature and
incidence thereof;
5.Whether the member has in the past acted as legal representative of or
furnished legal advice to the President, his family or any
of the other
Appellants;
6. Whether there is any animosity between the member and our client’s
attorney of record;
7. Whether the member has since the commencement of the present litigation
publicly or privately expressed criticism of the Judge
a quo
relating to
the handling of the matter or relating to any alleged bias on his part.
A copy of this letter will be handed to the State
Attorney.”
[12] Chaskalson P responded in a letter of
15 April 1999 in which he said, inter alia:
“I have received your letter of 13 April. I will refrain from making any
comment concerning the apparent purpose of the letter,
or the innuendos implicit
in what it says.
If the case has political overtones that is of no concern to the Court. Its duty
is to decide the case in accordance with the law
and the evidence and that is
what it will do. The suggestion that your client has reason to believe that
because he and Mr Mandela
are leaders of political parties, and because the
judges of this Court have been appointed by Mr Mandela, he might not get a fair
hearing, and that under those circumstances members of this [C]ourt might not be
able objectively and impartially to adjudicate on
the credibility of the
President, is improper and without substance.
The Constitutional Court is the highest court in the land. Its members were
appointed in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution
and the
procedures prescribed by it. They are obliged to discharge their duties without
fear, favour or prejudice - a duty which,
since their appointment, they have
performed. There is no basis for the slander of the Court contained in your
letter.
If a judge considers that because of a personal relationship with a litigant, or
for any other reason, he or she is unable to adjudicate
on a matter impartially,
such judge is under a duty to recuse himself or herself. The judges of this
Court are well aware of this
duty.
If a litigant has grounds for applying for the recusal of a judge the litigant
is entitled to make an application for recusal in
the ordinary way. If the
litigant is uncertain of particular facts which, if true, would found a
legitimate application for recusal,
the litigant may ask the judge for
clarification of the facts. I do not consider, however, that any judge, let
alone the entire
Constitutional Court, should ever be asked to respond to
interrogatories or to answer questions such as those demanded in your
letter.
Justice Kriegler is the only member of the Court, other than myself, who is in
chambers today. I have shown a copy of your letter
to him. I shall do the same
to the other members of the Court when I see them which may not be before the
end of the month. I shall
tell each of them that it is my considered opinion
that they should not reply to your letter, and that they should be willing only
to clarify facts which may be put to them, which may be relevant to the concern
expressed by your client, and about which your client
is uncertain. I will
request them to respect my opinion and to act in accordance with it. Lest it be
thought that this is because
I wish to conceal any information concerning
myself, I would be glad if you would bring the following to the attention of Dr.
Luyt.”
Chaskalson P went on in the letter to set out
certain facts relating to his past political associations and his relationship
with
the President. We shall refer later to those matters when we come to
consider the specific allegations made against Chaskalson P.
[13] Botha
addressed a further letter to Chaskalson P on 16 April 1999. He stated:
“We acknowledge receipt of your letter dated 15 April 1999, the contents
of which we have conveyed to our client.
Our client is extremely concerned about the accusation of an ulterior purpose
contained in paragraph 1 of your letter and respectfully
requires amplification
of exactly what the ‘apparent purpose’ is alleged to be.
Our client is further extremely concerned about the finding and accusation that
our letter of 13 April 1999 constitutes a slander
of the Court and about the
accusation that the said letter contains innuendos. Our client respectfully
requires to be informed of
why the letter is regarded as a slander of the Court
and clarification of the innuendos referred to.
Both our client and ourselves are further extremely concerned about the finding
and accusation of impropriety on the part of either
ourselves or our client or
both, in the second paragraph of your letter, and respectfully require
clarification hereof.
We further respectfully require your directions as to whether we should address
separate letters to the individual members of the
Court, in the circumstances
where you have now indicated that your advice to your colleagues will be not to
respond to our letter.
Could your also respectfully clarify the position raised under numbered
paragraph 7 of our letter of 13 April 1999.
Could you lastly respectfully provide the date of the wedding referred to?
A copy of this letter will also be delivered to the State
Attorney.”
Chaskalson P responded through his secretary
to the effect that he did not intend to engage in further correspondence on the
matter.
On 21 April 1999 Botha addressed further letters to the nine other
members of this Court in which he requested them to answer certain
of the seven
interrogatories referred to in his letter to Chaskalson P of 13 April 1999.
Further specific questions were addressed
to some of the judges.
[14] On 28 April 1999, the Director of this Court addressed a letter to
Botha in which he stated the following:
“Your letters of 21 April addressed to the justices of the Constitutional
Court have been forwarded to them. The President
of the Court has asked me to
inform you that:
(a) the justices have told him that they do not consider it appropriate to
respond to the interrogatories put as questions 1 to 7
of the letter of 13
April;
(b) the other matters raised in your letters of 21 April specifically with
Justices Langa, O'Regan, Sachs and Yacoob are matters
of public record. Justice
Yacoob was a member of the Technical Committee of the Constitutional Assembly,
and not of the ANC. Although
the justices concerned do not necessarily agree
with the way in which their previous relationship with the ANC and individuals
mentioned
in your letter have been described, they confirm it to be correct in
all material
respects.
(c) save as set out herein, the justices do not intend to respond to your letter
of 21 April.”
The
allegations
[15] The allegations and complaints made by the fourth
respondent may conveniently be divided into the following seven categories:
15.1 The allegations made collectively with regard to all ten members of the
Court;
15.2 The allegations made collectively with regard to four of the five judges
whose recusal was sought, namely Chaskalson P, Langa,
DP, Sachs J and Yacoob
J;
15.3 The specific allegations made with regard to Chaskalson P;
15.4 The specific allegations made with regard to Langa DP;
15.5 The specific allegations made with regard to Sachs J;
15.6 The specific allegations made with regard to Yacoob J; and
15.7 The specific allegations made with regard to Kriegler
J.
We set out below the detail of those allegations.
Allegations and complaints made with regard to all the members of the
Court
[16] The allegations and complaints by the fourth respondent
against all the members of the Court were:
16.1 After the President and the other appellants initially decided to appeal to
the Supreme Court of Appeal they changed their minds
and sought to appeal to
this Court. “This created the impression that the President had decided
that it would be best for
him to take the matter to the Court appointed by
him”;
16.2 The decision by this Court to hear the appeal which is predominantly
factual “created the impression that the President's
wishes were being
accommodated”;
16.3 The President wishes his name to be cleared prior to the forthcoming
elections and that “[t]he order by this Honourable
Court that the appeal
be heard on an expedited basis created the impression that this was done to
accommodate the wishes of the President”;
16.4 The impression created was that this Court would not have acted as it did
“if there was a chance of an adverse finding
against the
President”;
16.5 The Court ordered that the respondents’ heads of argument were to be
filed on a date when “to the knowledge of the
Court, two of respondents'
counsel were involved in the protracted and still running Boesak trial, and
which would make it virtually
impossible for them to properly attend to the
matter”. The impression created was that the respondents' position and
rights
were being ignored and those of the President being accommodated;
16.6 The respondents opposed the appellants' condonation application on
“good grounds” yet were ordered to pay their
own costs of the
application. The impression created was that “the ordinary principles
were discarded in favour of the President”;
16.7 In these circumstances the respondents were forced to apply for a
postponement of the appeal and, although that succeeded, Botha
was ordered to
show cause why the wasted costs should not be paid by him de bonis propriis.
“This created the impression that
there was some animosity against
Respondents' attorney of record and that ulterior considerations might be
operative”;
16.8 “All of the considerations aforesaid created the impression of
partiality on the part of this Court in favour of the President”;
16.9 This matter is unique because it is the first time in the history of South
Africa that an incumbent president has been ordered
to testify and be
cross-examined;
16.10 The opposing litigants included the respective leaders of opposing
political parties;
16.11 The adverse credibility findings against the President, the Minister and
the DG, and their relevance to the outcome of the
appeal;
16.12 The iconic status of the President both in South Africa and
internationally and his personification of the liberation struggle;
16.13 The difficulty any court would have in making any adverse credibility
finding against the President;
16.14 The wide vilification of De Villiers J which achieved media prominence in
the wake of his findings against the President and
that the sources thereof
included senior members of the African National Congress (ANC) and officials in
the office of the President.
The fourth respondent points in this context to
the submission made by the President's counsel in their heads of argument on the
merits of the appeal that the order was made “at the instance of a
litigant who symbolised the old order, by a judge of the
old order who was
reputed to have been one of its most ardent supporters”;
16.15 That no steps were taken by the Government or the President to repudiate
the vilification of De Villiers J;
16.16 An adverse credibility finding by this Court against the President would
incur the wrath of the President. In this regard
they point to the following
evidence given by the President in the High
Court:
“Let me say, judge, I never imagined that Dr Luyt would be so
insensitive
, so
disrespectful
, so
ungrateful
as to say of
the President of this country that when I gave my affidavit and signed it under
oath, I was telling lies. I was not
being honest because that is what he says.
I never imagined that he would do a thing like that.” (original
emphasis)
16.17 Each of the members of this Court was appointed by the President
“personally under circumstances where he himself exercised
a discretion to
elevate the member concerned to the highest Court in the land”; and that
“it is difficult to conceive
that the honour bestowed on” the
members of the Court would be answered by an adverse credibility finding
“on the bestower
of such
honour”.
Additional allegations made
collectively with regard to Chaskalson P, Langa DP, Sachs J and Yacoob
J
[17] The additional allegations made by the fourth respondent
collectively with regard to Chaskalson P, Langa DP, Sachs J and Yacoob
J are the
following:
17.1 Four judges have “had extremely close ties with the ANC ”, and
a finding against the appellants would be adverse
to the interests of the ANC
and the President;
17.2 An adverse credibility finding against the President would have serious
political implications for the government, and the ANC
as a political party,
especially as the appeal was being heard on the eve of the national
elections.
Specific allegations made with
regard to Chaskalson P
[18] The specific allegations and complaints
made with regard to Chaskalson P are the following:
18.1 The manner in which Chaskalson P responded to the letter from Botha of 13
April 1999 and in particular, the accusations that
the letter had been written
with an “ulterior
purpose”,
1
[1]
constituted a
slander of the Court, contained innuendos and was improper and without substance
has created “a clear impression
and perception of a bias against
me”;
18.2 The reluctance of Chaskalson P to circulate the letter of 13 April to the
other members of the Court and the advice he would
give them not to respond
thereto, was contrary to “the normal practice” and gave rise to a
concern of bias on the part
of Chaskalson P;
18.3 Chaskalson P represented the President during the Rivonia trial in
1963/4;
18.4 Chaskalson P represented “President Mandela’s then wife”
on various occasions during the 1960's and 1970's;
18.4 There is a longstanding relationship of advocate and client;
18.5 At a function given by the Legal Resources Centre in honour of Chaskalson P
on the occasion of his retirement as its national
director, the President made
an impromptu speech in honour of Chaskalson P;
18.6 Chaskalson P attended a private dinner at the home of the President;
18.7 The President was a guest of honour at the wedding of the younger son of
Chaskalson P towards the end of 1998;
18.8 Chaskalson P's elder son has been added to the President's legal team in
this appeal;
18.9 “The facts therefore point to a longstanding relationship between the
Chaskalson and Mandela families and a close personal
relationship between
Justice Chaskalson and President Mandela”;
18.10 “It is further clear that there is the highest mutual respect
between Justice Chaskalson and the President”;
18.11 Chaskalson P has always had close ties with the ANC “or related
organisations”. At a mass political rally in Soweto
after the President's
release from prison at which the President spoke to a crowd of approximately 100
000 people, Chaskalson P apparently
sat on the stage next to the
President;
1
[2]
18.12 Chaskalson P acted as an advisor to the ANC during the constitutional
negotiations on the interim Constitution;
18.13 The failure by Chaskalson P to have disclosed these facts of his own
volition “gives rise to a clear perception and concern
on my part that the
matter might not be dealt with in the ordinary way, strictly according to
ordinary legal principles and the evidence”;
18.14 The President personally and acting in the exercise of an unfettered
discretion appointed Chaskalson P as President of this
Court;
18.15 “He [Chaskalson P] further, during the course of the hearing in
November 1998, of the application for condonation, from
the bench criticised the
Judge
a quo
by saying that the said Judge had obviously not read the
Constitution. When it was pointed out to him that he was mistaken, he reacted
by saying that he had not yet read the full judgment, but only the abridged
version thereof ”;
18.16 The refusal by Chaskalson P to provide the date of his son's wedding
“created the impression that he was not prepared
to voluntarily provide
all facts that might be relevant to found a legitimate application for a
recusal, and that the ties between
himself and President Mandela might be much
closer than portrayed”;
18.17 The apparent adoption by the fourth respondent of the views contained in a
passage at 139 from a book entitled “
One Miracle is Not Enough”
written by Mr R Van Schalkwyk, a former high court judge. The passage, in
which there is a reference to Chaskalson P, reads as
follows:
“He is undoubtedly a fine jurist and he may have the ability to put aside
his political inclinations when called upon to decide
social issues, but the
perception remains that the Constitutional Court under the leadership of its
president is an ANC or ANC-sympathetic
institution.”
With reference to the views of Mr Van Schalkwyk the fourth respondent states
that:
“As appears from the aforesaid, my apprehension that the President's
sympathy with the ANC constitutes a reasonable ground
for bias, is not
groundless or
frivilis
[sic]
causa
. Justice Chaskalson's
independence is indeed questioned by none other than a former Judge of the High
Court of South
Africa.”
1
[3]
Specific
allegations and complaints made with regard to Langa DP
[19] The
specific allegations and complaints made with regard to Langa DP are the
following:
19.1 He was an active member of the ANC;
19.2 He was a founder member of the Release Mandela Committee in Natal;
19.3 He served as an ANC representative in the Convention for a Democratic South
Africa;
1
[4]
19.4 He served as an advisor on the talks that led to the Groote Schuur and
Pretoria Minutes;
1
[5]
19.5 He “served as a member of the Regional and National Reception
Committees which prepared for the Liberation Movement's
leaders release from
prison and return from exile”;
19.6 “I have also reason to infer that Justice Langa, like some of the
other members of this Honourable Court, had attended
private dinners with
President Mandela at his house”;
19.7 The failure by Langa DP of his own volition or in response to the letter
addressed to him to have disclosed any of the “aforegoing
facts”.
Specific allegations and
complaints made with regard to Sachs J
[20] The specific allegation
and complaints made against Sachs J are the following:
20.1 He held a position of leadership in the ANC;
20.2 He was a member of the National Executive Committee of the ANC;
20.3 He was a member of the Constitutional Committee of the ANC;
20.4 He “was a close friend and confidant of the late ANC President,
Oliver Thambo [sic]”;
20.5 He “helped Thambo [sic] in the drafting of the ANC's Code of
Conduct”;
20.6 “Whilst in exile and actively involved in the struggle, he received
severe personal injuries at the hands of the previous
order”;
20.7 “According to information received by me, Justice Sachs and his wife
also on more than one occasion attended a private
dinner at President Mandela's
house”;
20.8 Sachs J had extremely close ties with the ANC and was actively involved in
a position of leadership in the ANC;
20.9 There is a close personal relationship between Sachs J and President
Mandela.
20.10 The failure by Sachs J of his own volition or in response to the letter
addressed to him to have disclosed any of the “aforegoing
facts”.
20.11 The participation by Sachs J as one of four members of an internal
ANC commission of inquiry which sat in 1989 in order
to investigate the death
of Thami Zulu, one of its officials who had been detained in one of its camps
during 1988. The commission's
report to the ANC expressed a divided opinion on
whether the length of detention was excessive. Sachs J was questioned on the
report
when he appeared before the Judicial Service Commission in October 1994
as a candidate for appointment as a justice of this Court.
Sachs J stated that
he was unable to persuade his colleagues on the commission that the period of
detention had in fact been excessive.
Sachs J explained his decision not to
submit a minority report on the basis that a consensual report, reflecting
divided views,
would more likely persuade the ANC to adopt a code of conduct.
Some members of the Judicial Service Commission, according to newspaper
reports
attached to the supplementary affidavit, were critical of this conduct of Sachs
J. The fourth respondent submits with regard
to this matter
that:
“Justice Sachs was prepared to go along with the majority of the
commission, thereby down playing the evidence and extent of
human rights
violations insofar as it concerned the death of Zulu.
He was prepared to refrain from filing a minority report in accordance with his
viewpoints at the time in favour of political objects.
His failure to file such
a report was done either by way of protection or in furtherance of the cause of
the ANC. The objective
impression created thereby is that political
considerations held sway over the evidence, the actual position and his duty as
a member
of the commission.”
The fourth respondent went on to state that this conduct of Sachs J strengthened
his concern of bias by him and was “extremely
relevant to
. . . his ability to adjudicate on this matter”. He concluded that the
failure by Sachs J to have disclosed those facts “further
strengthens the
reasonable suspicion on my part that he will be
biased”.
1
[6]
Specific allegations and complaints made
with regard to Yacoob J
[21] The specific allegations and complaints
made with regard to Yacoob J are the following:
21.1 He was a member of the ANC;
21.2 He played a key role in assisting the ANC in the transition to
democracy;
21.3 He was a member of the ANC's Technical Committee on Fundamental Rights
during the negotiations leading up to the acceptance
of the interim
Constitution;
21.4 He was involved for the defence in numerous political trials;
21.5 He has had close ties with the ANC and was actively involved in the
ANC;
21.6 The failure by Yacoob J of his own volition or in response to the letter
addressed to him to have disclosed any of the “aforegoing
facts”.
Specific allegations made with
regard to Kriegler J
[22] The main allegations made against Kriegler
J concerned an alleged animosity between him and the fourth respondent's
attorney.
The specific allegations are the following:
22.1 There has been “a serious fall out between Justice Kriegler and the
said Botha and strong animosity is displayed by Justice
Kriegler towards my said
attorney”;
22.2 “I am concerned that this animosity might lead to a subconscious bias
against me, especially in the circumstances where
the said Botha and I have
remained close friends. The position is further complicated in that, although
Justice Kriegler and I for
many years had a fairly close relationship in the
course of which he on numerous occasions attended rugby matches at Ellis Park as
my guest, this for the past 18 months or so has no longer been the case.
Attempts by me to speak to him personally, in his then
capacity as Chairman of
the IEC,
1
[7]
were unsuccessful and
created the impression in my mind that he was not prepared to speak to
me”;
22.3 “The circumstances set out above have given rise to the impression in
my mind that Justice Kriegler has permitted his
animosity towards my attorney of
record to negatively impact on our own relationship and I am in the
circumstances concerned that
this might lead to a subconscious bias against me
in the forthcoming appeal”;
22.4 “During the hearing of the application for condonation Justice
Kriegler reacted to a submission by Respondent's counsel
that the appeal did not
involve any important constitutional issue by saying: ‘
How can it not
involve an important constitutional issue? You say the President of the country
perjured himself
!’ My strong perception was that the remark
aforesaid was made with extreme sarcasm which created the concern in my mind
that
the proposition of ‘
perjury
by the President’
was
regarded by Justice Kriegler as a preposterous one”;
22.5 After the resignation of Kriegler J as Chairperson of the IEC, the fourth
respondent alleges that, in his capacity as leader
of the Federal Alliance, on a
number of occasions he publicly stated that Kriegler J still owes the country
the real explanation
of what actually led to his resignation. This was reported
in the media. He alleges further that he is concerned that his public
criticism
of Kriegler J might result in the judge’s bias against the fourth
respondent;
22.6 The letter of 15 April 1999 from Chaskalson P to Botha created the
impression that it carried the approval of Kriegler J and
that created the
impression in the mind of the fourth respondent that Kriegler J supported
“the accusations and/or findings
of an ulterior purpose, of a slander and
innuendos, and of impropriety”, contained in Botha's letter of 13 April
1999;
22.7 According to information received by the fourth respondent, Kriegler J and
his former wife on more than one occasion attended
a private dinner at the
President's house. On the assumption that this is correct, there is a close
personal relationship between
the President and Kriegler J;
22.8 “Justice Kriegler, also recently (as reported in the newspapers)
publicly expressed the very high regard and esteem in
which he holds the
President”;
22.9 The mere fact that the foregoing facts were not disclosed by Kriegler J,
either of his own volition or pursuant to the letter
addressed to him by Botha,
in itself gives rise to the reasonable concern on the part of the fourth
respondent that he might be biased.
The
Justices' statement of facts
[23] Before the matter was called on 4
May 1999, Chaskalson P handed to counsel for both sides a statement in which the
members of
the Court against whom specific allegations were made, commented on
those allegations. That statement was read by Chaskalson P in
open Court when
the matter was called. It reads as follows:
“The fourth respondent’s application for the recusal of five judges
of this Court was lodged with the Court on Thursday
29 April 1999. The founding
affidavit contains averments concerning some of the judges which had not been
put to them. This statement
corrects some factual inaccuracies in paragraphs 9
to 13 of the affidavit relating to the averments concerning the five judges.
It
also supplies some supplementary information.
1. It is a matter of public record that Justices Langa, Mokgoro, O’Regan,
Sachs and Yacoob were, prior to their appointment
to the Court, members of the
African National Congress (ANC). All these judges severed their ties with the
ANC before or immediately
upon their appointment to the Court. No other member
of this Court has ever been a member of the ANC. No member of this Court is
a
member of any political party.
2.
The application relating to Justice Chaskalson (Paragraph 9 of
affidavit)
2.1 The relationship of advocate and client
At no stage during his professional career at the bar, which lasted from 1956 to
1994 was Justice Chaskalson briefed by President
Mandela or his firm. The last
occasion on which he appeared as an advocate for President Mandela or his wife
was over 25 years ago.
The occasions referred to by Justice Chaskalson in his
letter of 15 April on which he represented either President Mandela or Mrs
Mandela were the following. He was briefed as a junior advocate in the defence
team which represented the President and 7 other
persons at the ‘Rivonia
Trial’ in 1963/4. In about 1969 or 1970 he was briefed as one of a team
of counsel to represent
19 accused persons, one of whom was Mrs Mandela. During
the course of the trial the prosecution was stopped. Later the prosecution
was
reinstated. Justice Chaskalson did not form part of the defence team in the
second trial which was the subject matter of the
reported decision in
S v
Ndou
1971 (1) SA 668(A).
In 1972 he was briefed as senior counsel on
appeal to argue against the conviction of Mrs Mandela on a charge of
contravening the
terms of a ‘banning order’. The decision is
reported as
S v Mandela
1972 (3) SA 231(A).
In 1974 he was again briefed
as senior counsel to argue an appeal against a conviction of Mrs Mandela
relating to another alleged
breach of her ‘banning order’. That
case is reported as
S v Mandela
1974 (4) SA 878(A).
In neither case did
he appear for Mrs Mandela at the trial.
2.2 The wedding
The date of the wedding referred to in paragraph 9.6 was 23 November 1997. The
President was not ‘a guest of honour’.
He was one of more than 300
persons invited to the wedding. He attended the religious ceremony but not the
reception which followed
the ceremony.
2.3 The personal and family relationship
The relationship between Justice Chaskalson and President Mandela was correctly
described in Justice Chaskalson’s letter of
15 April as
follows:
‘I have had contact with the President on state occasions and have
attended state dinners and functions in his honour or at
which he has been
present. My contact with him on such occasions has been largely formal and
polite. Mr Mandela attended a function
given in my honour by the Legal
Resources Centre, when I retired as national director of the Centre. Although
he was not a scheduled
speaker, he asked to say a few words and spoke, before
leaving the gathering. That was about five years ago and was before he had
become President.
Although my relationship with Mr Mandela is cordial, we have never been social
friends, and do not visit each other. Mr Mandela
has been in my house on one
occasion only, when, at my younger son’s request, I invited him to my
son’s wedding. He
attended the religious ceremony held in the garden of
my house, but left before the reception. I have had dinner on one occasion
at
Mr Mandela’s house -- when he invited to dinner a mutual friend from
London whom he had not seen since his release from
prison. That was
approximately five years ago. I cannot recollect whether that was before or
after his appointment as President.’
2.4 Ties with the ANC
Some nine years ago, before he was appointed to the bench, Justice Chaskalson
attended a gathering at the FNB stadium to mark the
release of the President
from prison. The President and those of his co-accused in the Rivonia trial who
were in Johannesburg were
seated on the stage with members of their families.
After the Rivonia accused had been seated on the stage Justice Chaskalson was
one of the people invited to join them on the stage and did so. He was later
introduced to the crowd as one of the advocates who
had defended the Rivonia
accused. Apart from having acted as counsel for members of the ANC and other
organisations (including
the PAC, the SACP, the Liberal party and others) on
various occasions at criminal trials, and having acted as constitutional adviser
to the ANC during the negotiations referred to in his letter of 15 April, there
are and have been no ties between Justice Chaskalson
and the ANC or
‘related organisations’.
3.
The application concerning Justice Langa (paragraph 11 of the
affidavit)
Justice Langa has never attended a private dinner at the home of the
President.
4.
The application concerning Justice Kriegler (paragraph 10 of the
affidavit)
4.1 Justice Kriegler bears respondent’s attorney no animosity. They and
their wives were friends but the association came
to an end with Justice
Kriegler’s divorce in 1996. Publication of the letter referred to by Dr
Botha would be embarrassing
to third parties, but Justice Kriegler would not
object if this is necessary in the interests of justice.
4.2 Once the current litigation rendered continued public association with three
of the respondents potentially contentious, Justice
Kriegler suspended visits to
the presidential suite at Ellis Park.
4.3 Justice Kriegler made it a general rule to attend to no electoral business
at the Court and no judicial business at the IEC offices.
Nevertheless he did
deal at the Court and at his home with some telephone enquiries from Dr Luyt
concerning electoral matters.
4.4 Justice Kriegler was unaware of any comment by Dr Luyt on his resignation
from the IEC. Comments of the kind did not offend
him: More serious criticism
was, in any event, made by others, including senior members of the African
National Congress.
4.5 Justice Kriegler has never attended a private dinner at the
President’s house.
4.6 Justice Kriegler has publicly expressed his appreciation and respect for
the President. This was in the context of his resignation
from the IEC and
related to the President’s support for the IEC and his attitude towards
the resignation.
5.
Application concerning Justice Sachs (paragraph 12 of the
affidavit)
Justice Sachs has never dined in private at the home of the President. Justice
Sachs has been divorced for twenty years.”
We shall
refer to this statement as “the Justices’
statement”.
1
[8]
[24] Counsel for the fourth respondent informed the Court that:
“Of course those facts have been stated now by the President and the
individual members of this Court and of course for the
purposes of argument we
will accept the facts as stated,
unhesitatingly.”
Because the fourth respondent accepted
the facts set out in the Justices' statement, many of the allegations relied
upon by the fourth
respondent to ground the recusal application, set out in
paras 16 - 22 above, fell away. In the remainder of this judgment, we will
deal
mainly with those allegations which remain.
Withdrawal of the
application against Kriegler J
[25] During the course of the
argument, the application against Kriegler J was withdrawn by the fourth
respondent. It is not necessary
therefore to consider these allegations and
complaints save to state that, as demonstrated by the withdrawal, they lacked
substance.
The law relevant to this application
[26] The
Court debated with counsel the appropriate procedure to be followed in a case in
which there were applications for the recusal
of half of the members of the
Court as well as further allegations and complaints made against all ten of its
members. Counsel were
agreed that the applications should be heard
simultaneously by the whole Court. That was the procedure we
followed.
[27] Counsel were also asked to deal with the question whether
an application for recusal was a “constitutional matter”
within the
meaning of section 167(3) of the
Constitution,
1
[9]
and if so, what
procedure should be followed in hearing the application. Counsel for the fourth
respondent contended that the doctrine
of recusal is part of the common law and
that each of the five judges whose recusal was sought was required to deal with
the application
in so far as it applied to him personally. Although the judges
would be entitled to consult their colleagues on the issues raised
in argument,
the decision on the applications against each of the judges should in each
instance be theirs alone.
[28]
[
In
Council of
Review, South African Defence Force, and Others v Mönnig and Others
Corbett CJ
said:
2
[0]
“The recusal right is derived from one of a number of rules of natural
justice designed to ensure that a person accused before
a court of law should
have a fair trial.”
The right to a fair trial has now
been entrenched in our Constitution. Section 35(3) of the Constitution which
deals with criminal
proceedings provides that “every accused person has a
right to a fair trial”. Section 34 of the Constitution which applies
to
other proceedings provides:
“Everyone has the right to have any dispute that can be resolved by the
application of law decided in a fair public hearing
before a court or, where
appropriate, another independent and impartial tribunal or
forum.”
These provisions must be read with section 8(1)
of the Constitution which provides that:
“The Bill of Rights applies to all law, and binds the legislature, the
executive, the judiciary and all organs of state.”
It follows that section 34, which is part of the Bill of Rights,
applies to the judiciary. Moreover, the common law, which is “law”
within the meaning of section 8(1), is also subject to section 34 and in terms
of section 39(2) must be developed in accordance with
its
provisions.
2
[1]
[29] Section
165(2) of the Constitution requires courts to apply the law “impartially
and without fear, favour or prejudice”
and the oath of office prescribed
by schedule 2 of the Constitution requires each judge to swear that he or she
“will uphold
and protect the Constitution . . . and will administer
justice to all persons alike without fear, favour or prejudice, in accordance
with the Constitution and the law”.
2
[2]
[30] A judge who sits
in a case in which she or he is disqualified from sitting because, seen
objectively, there exists a reasonable
apprehension that such judge might be
biased, acts in a manner that is inconsistent with section 34 of the
Constitution, and in breach
of the requirements of section 165(2) and the
prescribed oath of office. We have no doubt, therefore, that the application
for recusal
raised a “constitutional matter” within the meaning of
section 167(3), and that it was the duty of this Court to give
collective
consideration to the question whether the judges concerned should recuse
themselves.
[31] Judges have jurisdiction to determine applications for
their own recusal. If a judge of first instance refuses an application
for
recusal and the decision is wrong, it can be corrected on
appeal.
2
[3]
But no provision exists
in any law for an appeal against a decision of this
Court.
2
[4]
As the ultimate court of
appeal in constitutional matters, this is the only court which has the power to
set aside one of its judgments
or to correct an error made by
it.
2
[5]
Whether such a power
exists, and if so, in what circumstances it would be exercised, need not be
decided in the present case, for
this Court clearly has a duty to act
constitutionally. If one or more of its members is disqualified from sitting in
a particular
case, this Court is under a duty to say so, and to take such steps
as may be necessary to ensure that the disqualified member does
not participate
in the adjudication of the case.
[32] If one judge, in the opinion of
the other members of the Court, incorrectly refuses to recuse herself or
himself, that decision
could fatally contaminate the ultimate decision of the
Court, and the other members may well have a duty to refuse to sit with that
judge. As it was put by Centlivres JA in
R v Milne and
Erleigh
2
[6]
:
“In my view there can be no doubt that if a Judge, who ought not, because
he is biassed [sic], to preside at a criminal trial,
nevertheless does so he
commits . . . an irregularity in the proceedings every minute he remains on the
bench during the trial of
the accused.”
Thus, in
In
re Pinochet
2
[7]
the
decision of a panel of the House of Lords was set aside because one of its five
members should have recused himself having regard
to his interest in the
decision. It follows that if a judge incorrectly refuses to recuse herself or
himself the remaining members
of a panel should not sit with that judge as the
proceeding would be irregular.
[33] In the course of his argument
counsel for the fourth respondent recognised that this might well be so. He
stated:
“In the first place we submit it is an individual decision of the
particular presiding officer concerned. Only in the event
of a particular
presiding officer against whom the application is aimed or directed, deciding
not to recuse himself, we submit, does
it become a matter for the court as a
whole to objectively determine whether on the objective test he ought to recuse
himself.”
When asked to deal with this issue, Counsel
for the appellants submitted that if a particular judge were to place on record
that he
or she was in fact biased in favour of one of the litigants, there would
be an obligation on such judge to withdraw from the case.
If, however, the case
was concerned only with a reasonable apprehension of bias, the decision should
be the decision of the court
and not the individual judge.
[34] It is
not necessary to decide what the position would have been in the present case if
one or more of the judges whose recusal
was sought took the view that no grounds
existed for his recusal, but the majority of the Court took a different view.
Counsel were
in agreement that the whole Court should participate in the hearing
and that the judges should consider the application individually
and
collectively. This is how the matter was dealt with and in the result the
judges whose recusal was sought, and the remainder
who were asked to look to
their conscience, considered their own positions individually, and also
considered the application as a
whole, collectively, and concluded unanimously
that none should be recused.
The test for bias
[35] A
cornerstone of any fair and just legal system is the impartial adjudication of
disputes which come before the courts and other
tribunals. This applies, of
course, to both criminal and civil cases as well as to quasi-judicial and
administrative proceedings.
Nothing is more likely to impair confidence in such
proceedings, whether on the part of litigants or the general public, than actual
bias or the appearance of bias in the official or officials who have the power
to adjudicate on disputes.
[36] In the present case counsel for the
fourth respondent emphasised that his client did not seek to rely on the
presence of actual
bias on the part of any member of this Court. Rather he
relied on “the appearance of bias”. For a number of years there
has
been controversy in the courts of England and some Commonwealth countries as to
the proper formulation of the test to be applied
in recusal cases involving the
appearance of bias. There have been two contending formulations. One is the
presence of “a
real likelihood of bias” and the other “a
reasonable suspicion or apprehension of bias”. This subject was canvassed
in some detail by Hoexter JA in
BTR Industries South Africa (Pty) Ltd and
Others v Metal and Allied Workers' Union and
Another
.
2
[8]
After a review of
the authorities, the learned judge said:
“ . . . I conclude that in our law the existence of a reasonable
suspicion of bias satisfies the test; and that an apprehension
of a real
likelihood that the decision maker will be biased is not a prerequisite for
disqualifying
bias.”
2
[9]
[37] In
the
BTR
judgment itself and in other South African and foreign judgments,
the formulation of the test for recusal on the ground of perceived
bias has used
the expression “apprehension of bias” as an equivalent for
“suspicion of bias”. Thus, the
following passage from the
BTR
judgment:
3
[0]
“The law does not seek . . . to measure the amount of his [the judicial
officer’s] interest. I venture to suggest that
the matter stands no
differently with regard to the apprehension of bias by a lay litigant. Provided
the suspicion of partiality
is one which might reasonably be entertained by a
lay litigant a reviewing Court cannot, so I consider, be called upon to measure
in a nice balance the precise extent of the apparent risk. If suspicion is
reasonably apprehended, then that is an end to the
matter.”
[38]
[ In
In re
Pinochet
3
[1]
Lord
Browne-Wilkinson also regarded the terms as being synonymous. He
said:
“As I have said, Senator Pinochet does not allege that Lord Hoffmann was
in fact biased. The contention is that there was
a real danger or reasonable
apprehension or suspicion that Lord Hoffmann might have been biased, that is to
say it is alleged that
there is an appearance of bias not actual
bias.”
In
Livesey v The New South Wales Bar
Association
the High Court of Australia
stated:
3
[2]
“It was common ground between the parties to the present appeal that the
principle to be applied in a case such as the present
is that laid down in the
majority judgment in
Reg v Watson; Ex parte
Armstrong.
3
[3]
That
principle is that a judge should not sit to hear a case if in all the
circumstances the parties or the public might entertain
a reasonable
apprehension that he might not bring an impartial and unprejudiced mind to the
resolution of the question involved in
it. . . . Although statements of the
principle commonly speak of “suspicion of bias”, we prefer to avoid
the use of
that phrase because it sometimes conveys unintended nuances of
meaning.”
Because of the inappropriate connotations
which might flow from the use of the word “suspicion” in this
context, we agree
and share this preference for “apprehension of
bias” rather than “suspicion of bias”. This is also the
manner
in which the Supreme Court of Canada formulates the
test,
3
[4]
where its use is in no way
inconsistent with the judgments of the Supreme Court of Appeal in
BTR
3
[5]
or
Moch
.
3
[6]
[39] Before looking at the manner in which this test is applied, it
is necessary to mention two considerations built into the test
itself. These
are the nature of the judicial office and the character of the bias in this
context.
The nature of the judicial office
[40] In
applying the test for recusal, courts have recognised a presumption that
judicial officers are impartial in adjudicating
disputes. This is based on the
recognition that legal training and experience prepare judges for the often
difficult task of fairly
determining where the truth may lie in a welter of
contradictory evidence. This consideration was put as follows by Cory J in
R. v. S. (R.D.)
:
3
[7]
“Courts have rightly recognized that there is a presumption that judges
will carry out their oath of office. . . . This is
one of the reasons why the
threshold for a successful allegation of perceived judicial bias is high.
However, despite this high
threshold, the presumption can be displaced with
'cogent evidence' that demonstrates that something the judge has done gives rise
to a reasonable apprehension of bias.”
In their
separate concurrence, L'Heureux-Dube and McLachlin JJ
say:
3
[8]
“Although judicial proceedings will generally be bound by the requirements
of natural justice to a greater degree than will
hearings before administrative
tribunals, judicial decision-makers, by virtue of their positions, have
nonetheless been granted considerable
deference by appellate courts inquiring
into the apprehension of bias. This is because judges ‘are assumed to be
[people]
of conscience and intellectual discipline, capable of judging a
particular controversy fairly on the basis of its own circumstances’:
United States v Morgan,
[1941] USSC 123
;
313 U.S. 409
(1941) at p. 421. The presumption
of impartiality carries considerable weight, for as Blackstone opined at p. 361
in
Commentaries on the Laws of England III
. . .
‘[t]he law
will not suppose possibility of bias in a judge, who is already sworn to
administer impartial justice, and whose
authority greatly depends upon that
presumption and idea’. Thus, reviewing courts have been hesitant to make
a finding of
bias or to perceive a reasonable apprehension of bias on the part
of a judge, in the absence of convincing evidence to that effect:
R. v. Smith
& Whiteway Fisheries Ltd.
(1994), 133 N.S.R. (2d) 50 (C.A). at pp.
60-61.”
These views, though expressed more
comprehensively than has been done in judgments of our courts, are entirely
consistent with the
approach of South African courts to applications for the
recusal of a judicial officer.
3
[9]
[41] The test should be applied on the assumption that a reasonable
litigant would take these considerations into account. A presumption
in favour
of judges' impartiality must therefore be taken into account in deciding whether
such a reasonable litigant would have
a reasonable apprehension that the
judicial officer was or might be
biased.
4
[0]
The character
of the bias
[42] Absolute neutrality on the part of a judicial
officer can hardly if ever be achieved. This consideration was elegantly
described
as follows by Cardozo
J:
4
[1]
“There is in each of us a stream of tendency, whether you choose to call
it philosophy or not, which gives coherence and direction
to thought and action.
Judges cannot escape that current any more than other mortals. All their lives,
forces which they do not
recognize and cannot name, have been tugging at them -
inherited instincts, traditional beliefs, acquired convictions; and the
resultant
is an outlook on life, a conception of social needs. . . . In this
mental background every problem finds it[s] setting. We may try
to see things
as objectively as we please. None the less, we can never see them with any eyes
except our own.
. . . .
Deep below consciousness are other forces, the likes and the dislikes, the
predilections and the prejudices, the complex of instincts
and emotions and
habits and convictions, which make the [person], whether [she or he] be litigant
or judge.”
It is appropriate for judges to bring their
own life experience to the adjudication process. As it was put by Cory J in
R. v. S. (R.D):
4
[2]
“It is obvious that good judges will have a wealth of personal and
professional experience, that they will apply with sensitivity
and compassion
to the cases that they must hear. The sound belief behind the encouragement of
greater diversity in judicial appointments
was that women and visible minorities
would bring an important perspective to the difficult task of
judging.”
Similar considerations were expressed in
their concurring judgment by L'Heureux-Dube and MacLachlin
JJ:
4
[3]
“[Judges] will certainly have been shaped by, and have gained insight
from, their different experiences, and cannot be expected
to divorce themselves
from these experiences on the occasion of their appointment to the bench. In
fact, such a transformation would
deny society the benefit of the valuable
knowledge gained by the judiciary while they were members of the Bar. As well,
it would
preclude the achievement of a diversity of backgrounds in the
judiciary. The reasonable person does not expect that judges will
function as
neutral ciphers; however, the reasonable person does demand that judges achieve
impartiality in their judging.
It is apparent, and a reasonable person would expect, that triers of fact will
be properly influenced in their deliberations by their
individual perspectives
on the world in which the events in dispute in the courtroom took place.
Indeed, judges must rely on their
background knowledge in fulfilling their
adjudicative function.”
[43]
[ In a multicultural,
multilingual and multiracial country such as South Africa, it cannot reasonably
be expected that judicial
officers should share all the views and even the
prejudices of those persons who appear before them. In
S v
Collier,
4
[4]
before the
commencement of a criminal trial in the magistrate's court, the accused
insisted that he be tried by a black magistrate.
The white magistrate before
whom the matter was called refused to recuse himself. In dismissing an appeal
against that decision,
Hlophe J
said:
4
[5]
“Equally, the apparent prejudice argument must not be taken too far; it
must relate directly to the issue at hand in such a
manner that it could prevent
the decision-maker from reaching a fair decision. . . . Professor
Baxter
gives a commonly cited example, namely the mere fact that a decision-maker is a
member of the SPCA does not necessarily disqualify
him from adjudicating upon a
matter involving alleged cruelty to animals. By the same token, the mere fact
that the presiding officer
is white does not necessarily disqualify him from
adjudicating upon a matter involving a non-white accused. The converse is
equally
true. Otherwise no black magistrate or Judge could ever administer
justice fairly and evenhandedly in a matter involving white accused.
For the reasons set out above, the argument that the white magistrate erred in
refusing to recuse himself upon being asked to do
so at the appellant's trial is
both unfortunate and untenable. The fact that he is a white person, does not
disqualify him from
presiding in a case involving an accused belonging to a
different
race.”
4
[6]
[44]
[ In the case of a judge of
the highest court of the land, other considerations may be taken into account.
In
Laird v Tatum
4
[7]
Rehnquist J quoted with approval the following passage from an article by John P
Frank:
4
[8]
“Supreme Court Justices are strong-minded men, and on the general subject
matters which come before them, they do have propensities;
the course of
decision cannot be accounted for in any other way.”
The
learned Justice continued:
“The fact that some aspect of these propensities may have been publicly
articulated prior to coming to this Court cannot, in
my opinion, be regarded as
anything more than a random circumstance that should not by itself form a basis
for disqualification.”
Application of the
test
[45] From all of the authorities to which we have been referred
by counsel and which we have consulted, it appears that the test
for apprehended
bias is objective and that the onus of establishing it rests upon the applicant.
The test for bias established by
the Supreme Court of
Appeal
4
[9]
is substantially the same
as the test adopted in Canada. For the past two decades that approach is the
one contained in a dissenting
judgment by de Grandpré J in
Committee
for Justice and Liberty et al v National Energy
Board
:
5
[0]
“. . . the apprehension of bias must be a reasonable one, held by
reasonable and right minded persons, applying themselves
to the question and
obtaining thereon the required information. . . . [The] test is ‘what
would an informed person, viewing
the matter realistically and practically - and
having thought the matter through -
conclude’.”
In
R. v. S.
(R.D.)
5
[1]
Cory J, after
referring to that passage pointed out that the test contains a two-fold
objective element: the person considering the
alleged bias must be reasonable,
and the apprehension of bias itself must also be reasonable in the circumstances
of the case. The
same consideration was mentioned by Lord Browne-Wilkinson in
Pinochet
5
[2]
:
“Decisions in Canada, Australia and New Zealand have either refused to
apply the test in
Reg v
Gough
5
[3]
, or modified it so as
to make the relevant test the question whether the events in question give rise
to a reasonable apprehension
or suspicion on the part of a fair-minded and
informed member of the public that the judge was not
impartial.”
An unfounded or unreasonable apprehension
concerning a judicial officer is not a justifiable basis for such an
application. The apprehension
of the reasonable person must be assessed in the
light of the true facts as they emerge at the hearing of the application. It
follows
that incorrect facts which were taken into account by an applicant must
be ignored in applying the test.
[46] It was submitted by counsel for
the fourth respondent that in the case of an application for the recusal of a
judge or judges
of the highest court of the land, those judges should more
readily accede thereto than would be the case in a lower court. The reason
for
this, so he submitted, was that the highest court should set an example to the
lower courts. The argument is unsound. In the
first place this Court, having
eleven members, is intended by the Constitution to be representative of the
people of South Africa.
Thus, section 174 (2) of the Constitution provides that
“. . . the judiciary [should] reflect broadly the racial and gender
composition of South Africa . . .”. Given the intricate procedure to
appoint a balanced and representative bench, each of
the available judges of
this Court is obliged, unless disqualified, to participate in the adjudication
of every case which comes
before this Court. We are in full agreement with the
following observation made by Mason J in a judgment given by him in the High
Court of Australia:
5
[4]
[46]
“Although it is important that justice must be seen to be done, it is
equally important that judicial officers discharge their
duty to sit and do not,
by acceding too readily to suggestions of appearance of bias, encourage parties
to believe that by seeking
the disqualification of a judge, they will have their
case tried by someone thought to be more likely to decide the case in their
favour.”
We also agree with a further observation made
by Mason J
5
[5]
in the same case
that:
“It needs to be said loudly and clearly that the ground of
disqualification is a reasonable apprehension that the judicial
officer will not
decide the case impartially or without prejudice, rather than that he will
decide the case adversely to one
party.”
[47] Rehnquist J also referred to the duty
which a member of the United States Supreme Court has to sit where not
disqualified, a
duty equally as strong as the duty not to sit where
disqualified. He said:
5
[6]
“I think that the policy in favour of the ‘equal duty’ concept
is even stronger in the case of a Justice of the
Supreme Court of the United
States. There is no way of substituting Justices on this Court as one judge may
be substituted for another
in the district courts.”
In
the case of this Court, the President may appoint an acting judge on the
recommendation of the Minister of Justice, acting with
the concurrence of the
President of the Constitutional Court and the Chief
Justice.
5
[7]
Were the quorum of the
Court to be broken by recusal, it would be necessary to make such appointments
if that were constitutionally
permissible. If it were not, there would be no
quorate court to hear the appeal. Assuming that the recusal of members of this
Court
would enable acting judges to be appointed under section 175 (1) of the
Constitution,
5
[8]
it would obviously
be undesirable, particularly in a case such as the present, for the President to
have to appointed acting judges
to make up the quorum. An objection to
“political appointments” would be heightened were this procedure to
be followed.
In the appointment of acting judges, there would be no role for
the Judicial Service Commission and no need for consultation with
the leaders of
parties represented in the National Assembly. The consideration referred to by
Rehnquist J is thus apposite to the
recusal of a member or members of this
Court.
[48] It follows from the foregoing that the correct approach to
this application for the recusal of members of this Court is objective
and the
onus of establishing it rests upon the applicant. The question is whether a
reasonable, objective and informed person would
on the correct facts reasonably
apprehend that the judge has not or will not bring an impartial mind to bear on
the adjudication
of the case, that is a mind open to persuasion by the evidence
and the submissions of counsel. The reasonableness of the apprehension
must be
assessed in the light of the oath of office taken by the judges to administer
justice without fear or favour;
5
[9]
and their ability to carry out that oath by reason of their training and
experience. It must be assumed that they can disabuse their
minds of any
irrelevant personal beliefs or predispositions. They must take into account the
fact that they have a duty to sit in
any case in which they are not obliged to
recuse themselves. At the same time, it must never be forgotten that an
impartial judge
is a fundamental prerequisite for a fair trial and a judicial
officer should not hesitate to recuse herself or himself if there are
reasonable
grounds on the part of a litigant for apprehending that the judicial officer,
for whatever reasons, was not or will not
be impartial.
Applying the
law to the facts
[49] Counsel for the fourth respondent based his
argument for the apprehension of bias on the cumulative effect of the facts and
complaints made against the judges concerned. He submitted that each of them
might not in itself be a cause for the apprehension
but that each should be
placed in a “basket” and weighed together in the determination of
the reasonableness of the apprehension.
We have no difficulty with that
approach subject to the “basket” only receiving those facts which
are correct and which
may contribute to a reasonable apprehension of
bias.
The initial correspondence
[50] Before considering
the facts which were ultimately relied on by the fourth respondent in seeking
the recusal of Chaskalson P,
Langa DP, and Sachs and Yacoob JJ it is appropriate
to discuss the manner in which the application was brought before this Court.

The usual procedure in applications for recusal is that counsel for the
applicant seeks a meeting in chambers with the judge or
judges in the presence
of her or his opponent. The grounds for recusal are put to the judge who would
be given an opportunity, if
sought, to respond to them. In the event of recusal
being refused by the judge the applicant would, if so advised, move the
application
in open court. In this case the procedure adopted by the fourth
respondent departs radically from the accepted practice.
[51] Here, the
opening move was the Botha letter of 13 April
1999.
6
[0]
The seven questions put
to each of the members of the Court constituted an interrogatory for which no
factual basis was laid. Some
of the questions were patently misdirected in
respect of at least some of the
judges.
6
[1]
No member of the Court
or counsel who appeared in this matter has ever come across or heard of such a
procedure, whether in this
country or in any other jurisdiction. The degree to
which it departs from the usual procedure adopted in applications for recusal
is
marked. The only explanation which was furnished by Botha, in his letter, was
the number of judges involved. The number of members
on this Court would in no
way have precluded Botha and his counsel from adopting the usual procedure, if
not through a meeting in
chambers, at least by way of a letter addressed to the
judge concerned in which the specific averments were set out. This was only
done after the judges had refused to respond to the interrogatories. When
specific requests for verification of particular information
were belatedly
made, they were answered.
[52] Botha's letter carried the innuendo that
the integrity of each of the members of the Court was open to question and that
the
Court as a whole was biased in favour of President Mandela. It will be
recalled that the fourth respondent relies on the response
to this letter by
Chaskalson P as a ground for his recusal. It was also put up as a ground for
the recusal of Kriegler J because
he had been consulted by Chaskalson P prior to
it having been written. The response of Chaskalson P in his letter of 15 April
1999
was quite justified. He understandably questioned the letter having been
addressed to all the members of the Court. After they
had read the letter, the
remaining members of the Court agreed fully that it would not have been
appropriate for them to respond
to the letter. No reasonable litigant, having
the benefit of the advice of an attorney and counsel, would have questioned the
impartiality
of Chaskalson P or of any member of this Court on the basis of the
response by Chaskalson P in his letter of 15 April 1999. The
letter is
therefore not a factor grounding a reasonable apprehension of
bias.
[53] We turn now to consider the allegations and complaints of the
fourth respondent under the seven headings referred to in para
15 above. In
doing so we will refer to those allegations which, during argument, were
abandoned by the fourth respondent.
The allegations made against all
the members of the Court
[54] The first allegation is that the
decision, that this was the appropriate Court to hear the appeal of the
President, created
the impression in the mind of the fourth respondent that:
54.1 the President's wishes were being accommodated;
54.2 this Court would not have acted as it did if there was a chance of an
adverse finding against the President.
In effect,
the fourth respondent alleged that the ten members of this Court had created the
impression that they had already decided
to uphold the appeal of the President
at a time when the record had not been filed and before argument on behalf of
any of the parties
had been heard. Having so decided, the further consequence
of this impression was that they made interlocutory rulings aimed at
upholding
the President's appeal. The suggestion that a court, without having seen the
record or heard argument, would engineer
its interlocutory rulings to favour a
decision it had already taken, is extraordinary and contemptuous. What is more,
it was allegedly
based on a series of incorrect propositions concerning this
Court and the nature of its constitutional jurisdiction and procedures.
A
detailed judgment in the condonation application was delivered in which the
reasons for the order made by this Court were set
out.
6
[2]
Fourth respondent's
counsel did not point to any reasoning in the judgment which was alleged to be
incorrect.
[55] Indeed, the judgment appears to have been ignored by
the fourth respondent and his legal advisors. The only submission was
that it
was unique for this Court to hear an appeal in which the issues were largely
factual. This submission is not correct. This
Court has heard appeals in which
there have been substantial factual
disputes.
6
[3]
In any event, there
can be no doubt that this Court is obliged to determine factual disputes where
they relate to constitutional
issues. When this was explained to Mr Maritz, he
conceded that the impression contended for by the fourth respondent was indeed
incorrect and he abandoned the point. It follows that the alleged impression of
the fourth respondent was founded on incorrect information.
The alleged
impression and the reliance placed on it in this application carried serious
imputations which called into question
the integrity of each of the members of
this Court. On the objective facts, such impression is unfounded and the fourth
respondent's
legal advisors acted irresponsibly in relying on it. We have no
hesitation in rejecting these allegations and complaints as incorrect
and
therefore incapable of grounding a reasonable apprehension of
bias.
[56] It is then alleged that because the President wished to have
his name cleared prior to the general elections on 2 June 1999,
the
“expedited date” on which the appeal was set down created the
impression that the wish of the President was being
accommodated. The original
date of set down was not an expedited date. It was set down in the ordinary
course. Counsel was apparently
unaware that matters are ordinarily set down in
this Court within two or three months after a date for a hearing is sought.
This
allegation is similarly without any merit and cannot therefore ground a
reasonable apprehension of bias.
[57] The fourth respondent then claimed
that the date by which his counsels’ heads of argument were to be filed
was fixed by
the Court in the knowledge that two of his three advocates were
involved in another protracted matter which would have made it
“practically
impossible” for them to have attended to the matter.
This was the basis for the impression of the fourth respondent that the
members
of this Court were ignoring the position of the respondents and accommodating
the interests of the President. It was pointed
out to counsel, during argument,
that in the condonation application, the members of the Court were aware that
some counsel for the
fourth respondent were then involved in a long trial, but
that nothing was said at the time to suggest that the trial would continue
into
1999.
[58] The question was raised during argument in the condonation
application as to the order to be made if condonation were to be
granted, and as
to the times to be fixed by the Court in its order for the hearing of the appeal
and the lodging of heads of
argument.
6
[4]
Counsel for the
appellant indicated that there had been difficulties in the past in reaching
agreement on dates, and that in the
circumstances the Court should fix dates to
suit its own convenience without regard to the convenience of counsel. Counsel
for the
fourth respondent did not object to this, nor did they suggest at the
time or when the order was made on 2 December 1998 that there
was a period of
time when they would not be available to give attention to the heads of
argument. It was only some six weeks later
that this issue was raised for the
first time. The dates were fixed with regard to the time estimates made by
counsel at the conclusion
of the argument in the condonation application. This
allegation must similarly be rejected as being without any merit and therefore
not capable of grounding a reasonable apprehension of bias.
[59] The
fourth respondent complained that the order that each of the parties was to pay
their own costs of the condonation application
created the impression that
“the ordinary principles were discarded in favour of the President”.
The reasons for this
costs order were set out in some detail in the unanimous
judgment delivered by Chaskalson P on 2 December
1998.
6
[5]
It is unnecessary to
repeat them now. No attempt was made by the fourth respondents’ counsel
to engage with these reasons.
Suffice it to say that if the fourth respondent
harboured the impression alleged by him it was quite
unreasonable.
[60] The next complaint of the fourth respondent relates
to the costs order made with regard to the belated application for the
postponement
of the hearing of the appeal. The order called upon Botha to show
cause why those costs should not be paid de bonis propriis, ie
out of his own
pocket, rather than that the respondents should be responsible therefor. It was
alleged by the respondent that this
order created the impression that there was
animosity on the part of the members of this Court against Botha. The
application was
launched after considerable delay and was opposed by the
appellants.
6
[6]
In the absence of
any real prejudice to the appellants the majority of the members of this Court
decided to grant the indulgence
sought by the respondents over an objection by
the appellants, without the necessity of having a hearing and thereby avoiding
further
wasted costs. It did not appear that the belated request for the
postponement was the fault of any of the respondents but rather
that of their
attorney. It appeared therefore to be fair and equitable to call on the
attorney to show cause why he, rather than
his clients, should not bear those
wasted costs. Botha did not respond to the invitation given him to deal with
this matter. At
this stage it is sufficient to state that in our opinion to
base an allegation of animosity against the attorney is unreasonable.
[61] The allegations and complaints which follow relate to the
political context in which the fourth respondent submits the issues
have to be
determined. He refers to the unique feature of this case in which an incumbent
president was ordered to testify and submit
to cross-examination. To that is
added the position of the fourth respondent as the leader of the recently
established Federal Alliance
Party and the political significance of the
credibility finding made by De Villiers J against the President, the Minister
and the
DG; the status of the President as a national and international icon and
the difficulty any South African court would have in making
an adverse
credibility finding against the President. The context of this complaint is
broadened by the reference to the vilification
of the learned judge a quo in the
aftermath of his judgment and especially his credibility findings adverse to the
President. The
fourth respondent refers in this regard to the fact that
criticism came from senior members of the ANC including officials in the
office
of the President, and the failure by the President or the Government to
repudiate that criticism and the evidence of the President
referred to in para
16.16 above. Reference is also made to the submission made by the
appellant’s counsel in their heads of
argument in which De Villiers J is
called a “judge of the old order who was reputed to be one of its most
ardent supporters”.
[62] Nothing in the preceding
paragraph is relevant in any way in this case to the recusal of any of the
members of this Court.
The nub of the complaint is that if this Court fails to
set aside the finding of the learned judge in the court a quo, a consequence
would be the “wrath of the President”. To that is added the
allegation that “[e]ach of the members of this Honourable
Court was
appointed by the President . . . personally under circumstances where he himself
exercised a discretion to elevate the
member concerned to the highest court in
the land”. The fourth respondent draws the conclusion that “[i]t is
difficult
to conceive that the honour bestowed on . . . the members of this
Honourable Court will be answered by an adverse credibility finding
on the
bestower of such honour”. He alleges in this context that an adverse
credibility finding by this Court would have serious
political implications on
the government and the ANC and that the hearing of the appeal is on the eve of
the elections.
[63] During argument, it was pointed out to counsel for
the fourth respondent that the allegation that any judges of this Court were
appointed “personally” by the President in terms of his own
discretion was fallacious. The correct position is the following.
The members
of this Court, other than Yacoob J, were appointed in terms of the interim
Constitution.
6
[7]
Chaskalson P was
appointed by the President in terms of the provisions of section 97(2)(a) which
read as follows:
“There shall be a President of the Constitutional Court, who shall . . .
be appointed by the President in consultation with
the Cabinet and after
consultation with the Chief Justice.”
At that time, the
Cabinet, apart from having ANC members, also included members of the National
Party as well as the Inkatha Freedom
Party. It follows from the provisions of
section 233(3) that the concurrence of the Cabinet was necessary for such
appointment to
be made and from the provisions of section 233(4) it follows also
that this appointment could only take place in good faith after
consulting the
Chief Justice
6
[8]
and giving serious
consideration to his views.
6
[9]
Ackermann, Goldstone and Madala JJ were appointed in terms of the provisions of
section 99(3) which provides that:
“Four judges of the Constitutional Court shall be appointed from among the
judges of the Supreme Court by the President in
consultation with the Cabinet
and with the Chief Justice.”
It follows that the
concurrence of both the Cabinet and the Chief Justice were necessary for such
appointments to have been made by
the
President.
7
[0]
Langa DP, and
Kriegler, Mokgoro, O'Regan and Sachs JJ were appointed in terms of the
provisions of section 99 (4) and (5) of the
interim
Constitution.
7
[1]
They were thus
appointed by the President from a shortlist of ten nominees, furnished by the
Judicial Service Commission
7
[2]
,
with the concurrence of the Cabinet
and after consultation with the
Chaskalson P. Yacoob J was appointed to fill the vacancy created by the
appointment of Mahomed DP
as Chief
Justice.
7
[3]
Yacoob J was
appointed by the President in terms of section 174 (4) of the
Constitution.
7
[4]
It follows that
he was one of four nominees appearing on a list prepared by the Judicial Service
Commission and that the concurrence
of the Cabinet was necessary as was
consultation with Chaskalson P and the leaders of parties represented in the
National Assembly.
We have already pointed out that the President, in
appointing judges, does not do so personally but as head of the executive branch
of government. Chaskalson P, in his letter of 15 April 1999, had drawn Bothas's
attention to the fact that the members of the Court
had been “appointed in
accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and the procedures prescribed
by it.” Notwithstanding
that, neither fourth respondent, nor his legal
advisors, took the precaution of ascertaining what those provisions or
procedures
were before launching the recusal application. Indeed, when they
were drawn to the attention of counsel for the fourth respondent,
during
argument, they seemed to be unaware of them.
[64] Apart from the
fallacious reasoning which underlies these allegations and the complaint the
fourth respondent builds on it,
the suggestion that any judge has feelings of
personal gratitude towards the President for their appointment is without any
foundation
or justification.
[65] The foregoing allegations and
complaints were made in respect of each of the members of this Court. It is the
basis for the
fourth respondent “after careful deliberation” having
left the matter of recusal “to the conscience of” Ackermann,
Goldstone, Madala, Mokgoro and O’Regan JJ (and presumably Kriegler J as
well). This averment suggests that these are matters
that should indeed trouble
the consciences of these judges. For the reasons set out above, those
individual members and this Court
collectively dismiss each of the foregoing
allegations and complaints. They carry no weight for the recusal of any member
of this
Court.
Considerations arising from the public criticism of De
Villiers J
[66] The fourth respondent referred to the public
criticism of De Villiers J concerning his handling of the application in the
court
a quo and the findings made by him. He claimed that this public criticism
would make it difficult for members of this Court to find
against the
appellants.
[67] The correctness of the judgment given by De Villiers J
has been challenged in the appeal in the present case, and issues have
been
raised in argument concerning the impressions said to have been created by
rulings given by him in the case. These are issues
which arise for
consideration in the appeal, and we refrain from making any comment on them in
this judgment. However, during the
course of argument Chaskalson P informed
counsel for the first respondent that all the members of this Court deplored
the fact that
De Villiers J had been denigrated in the media and in particular
by government officials.
[68] Success or failure of the government or
any other litigant is neither grounds for praise nor for condemnation of a
court. What
is important is whether the decisions are good in law, and whether
they are justifiable in relation to the reasons given for them.
There is an
unfortunate tendency for decisions of courts with which there is disagreement to
be attacked by impugning the integrity
of the judges, rather than by examining
the reasons for the judgment. Our courts furnish detailed reasons for their
decisions, and
particularly in constitutional matters, frequently draw on
international human rights jurisprudence to explain why particular principles
have been laid down or applied. Decisions of our courts are not immune from
criticism. But political discontent or dissatisfaction
with the outcome of a
case is no justification for recklessly attacking the integrity of judicial
officers.
[69] The basis for the public attacks made against De Villiers
J, which impugned his motives, and many of the allegations and complaints
made
against members of this Court in this recusal application are symptomatic of the
tendency to which we refer in the preceding
paragraph. The judiciary as an
institution is one of the principal defenders of the Constitution, with a
uniquely important role
in its interpretation and application. During the
present period of institution-building, unjustified and unreasonable attacks on
individual members of the judiciary, whatever their background or history, are
especially to be deplored.
Political associations of judges prior to
their appointment to the bench
[70] That a judge may have engaged in
political activity prior to appointment to the bench is not uncommon in most if
not all democracies
including our own. Nor should it surprise anyone in this
country. Upon appointment, judges are frequently obliged to adjudicate
disputes
which have political consequences. It has never been seriously suggested that
judges do not have political preferences
or views on law and society. Indeed, a
judge who is so remote from the world that she or he has no such views would
hardly be qualified
to sit as a
judge.
7
[5]
What is required of
judges is that they should decide cases that come before them without fear or
favour according to the facts
and the law, and not according to their subjective
personal views. This is what the Constitution requires.
[71] In this
application much reliance was placed by the fourth respondent on the association
of some of the members of this Court
with the ANC prior to their appointment to
the bench. It is necessary therefore to give further consideration to this
specific complaint.
[72] The core values of our new order are reflected
in the provisions of section 1 of the
Constitution.
7
[6]
None of those
values was recognised by the old order which was replaced by the
Constitution.
7
[7]
Where we used to
have a supreme Parliament, we now have a supreme
Constitution.
7
[8]
The
Constitutional Court has been given the responsibility of being the ultimate
guardian of the Constitution and its values. Section
167(4) thus confers
exclusive jurisdiction to this Court in a number of crucial political areas
which include the power to decide
disputes between organs of state in the
national and provincial sphere, to decide on the constitutionality of any
parliamentary or
provincial Bill, to decide on the constitutionality of any
amendment to the Constitution and to decide whether Parliament or the
President
has failed to fulfil a constitutional
obligation.
7
[9]
And, in terms of
section 167(4), this Court makes the final decision whether an Act of
Parliament, a provincial Act or conduct
of the President is
constitutional.
8
[0]
[73] It
follows that the drafters of the Constitution necessarily envisaged that this
Court would be called upon to adjudicate finally
in respect of issues which
would inevitably have important political consequences. It is not surprising
then that there are special
provisions in the Constitution for the appointment
of the members of this Court.
8
[1]
Presumably that is the reason for the Constitution making provision for a
relatively large court of eleven members with a quorum
of eight
members.
8
[2]
[74] Having
regard to the foregoing features of the jurisdiction of this Court, it would be
surprising if respect and support for
the core values of the Constitution by
candidates for appointment to all of our courts, and particularly the
Constitutional Court,
were not taken into account by the Judicial Service
Commission when preparing a list of nominees for submission to the President.

It would be equally surprising if the President and the Cabinet failed to do so.
Barely five years into the new order it is all
but inevitable that in the
professional or public lives of such candidates their antipathy and opposition
to the evils and immorality
of the old order, to a greater or lesser extent,
would have manifested themselves. The public hearings of the Judicial Service
Commission
reflect this reality. In a very different but no less relevant
context, in
R v Milne and
Erleigh
,
8
[3]
Centlivres JA
said:
“The mere fact that a Judge holds strong views on what he conceives to be
an evil system of society does not, in my view, disqualify
him from sitting in a
case in which some of those evils may be brought to light. His duty is to
administer the law as it exists
but he may in administering it express his
strong disapproval of it.”
[75] As mentioned earlier,
all judges are expected to put any party political loyalties behind them on
their appointment and it is
generally accepted that they do so. In South
Africa, so soon after our transition to democracy, it would be surprising if
many candidates
for appointment to the bench had not been active in or publicly
sympathetic towards the liberation
struggle.
8
[4]
It would be ironic
and a matter for regret if they were not eligible for appointment by reason of
that kind of activity.
[76] In our opinion it follows that a reasonable
apprehension of bias cannot be based upon political associations or activities
of
judges prior to their appointment to the bench unless the subject matter of
the litigation in question arises from such associations
or activities. In this
case that is not alleged by the fourth respondent.
Allegations and
complaints made collectively with regard to Chaskalson P, Langa DP, Sachs J and
Yacoob J
[77] The remaining allegations and complaints which are
made collectively with regard to Chaskalson P, Langa DP, Sachs J and Yacoob
J
all relate to their former individual association with the ANC and the
President. We shall consider these together with the allegations
made
specifically against those judges.
Specific allegations and complaints
made with regard to Chaskalson P
[78] Numerous allegations are
levelled at Chaskalson P by the fourth respondent and we shall consider them in
turn. The first is
that the manner in which he responded to the letter from
Botha of 13 April 1999 created a “clear impression of bias against
me”. This was apparently exacerbated by the refusal to circulate the
letter to the other members of the Court. This complaint
has been fully
considered in paras 50 to 52 above. It is unnecessary to say more than if the
response of Chaskalson P did create
an impression of bias it was neither
reasonable nor justified.
[79] Then there are the allegations of a
“longstanding relationship of advocate and client”. We have never
heard of
a recusal application founded upon such a relationship prior to a
judge’s appointment to the bench in South Africa. There
have been
countless cases in our history where judges have adjudicated disputes in which a
party had been a client prior to their
appointment. This is not surprising
having regard to the nature of the relationship between advocate and client in
our dual bar
system which prohibits a client from having direct access to an
advocate without the intervention of an
attorney.
8
[5]
In the normal course
the client does not select the advocate but leaves it to the attorney to do so.
Of course, where judges, in
their former capacity as advocates either advised or
acquired personal knowledge relevant to a case before the court, it would not
be
proper for them to sit in such matter. Neither of these two circumstances is
present in this case. The relationship of advocate
and client between the
President and Chaskalson P ended some 35 years ago. The relationship of
advocate and client between the President’s
former wife and Chaskalson P
ended more than 25 years ago. That such a relationship provides any ground for
the recusal of Chaskalson
P is fanciful and devoid of merit.
[80] The
following allegations relate to an alleged personal relationship between
Chaskalson P and the President. It is quite common
in any country for leading
members of the legal profession to come into professional contact with political
leaders. In some cases
that contact might well progress from a professional to
a personal relationship. On the facts which are common cause for the purposes
of this application, that did not happen in the case of the President and
Chaskalson P. Their relationship has at all times been
and remains a cordial
and formal one. They have never been social friends and do not visit each
other. During the nine years since
the President's release from prison, and in
the entire period before he went to prison, Chaskalson P has made a social visit
to the
home of Mr Mandela on one occasion only. That was some years ago, at the
time when the attorney who had acted for the President
in the Rivonia trial
visited South Africa from London where he had lived for over 30 years.
Chaskalson P had been one of the junior
counsel briefed to represent the
President in that trial. The President invited the attorney and Chaskalson P to
have dinner with
him at his house. Chaskalson P stated that he could not
recall whether this was before or after Mr Mandela had been appointed as
President.
[81] The next specific allegation made against Chaskalson P
relates to the President having attended a function held in honour of
Chaskalson
P when, in 1994, he retired as the national director of the Legal Resources
Centre. He was its first national director
and occupied that post for some
fifteen years. Having regard to the significant role played by the Legal
Resources Centre during
the fifteen years of its existence it was not surprising
that Mr Mandela wished to associate himself with this event. It was a formal
and public occasion. According to the facts provided by Chaskalson P and
accepted by the fourth respondent, the President was not
a scheduled speaker but
asked permission to say a few words. That occasion took place before Chaskalson
P was appointed President
of this Court. The circumstances relating to that
function could in no way lead any reasonable person to apprehend that Chaskalson
P, in his adjudication of this case, would have a bias in favour of the
President or against the fourth respondent. The same conclusion
must be drawn
with regard to the dinner at the home of the President.
[82] Then there
is the attendance by the President in November 1997 at the religious ceremony
during the wedding of the younger son
of Chaskalson P. The President was
invited as one of over 300 guests at the request of the groom. Had the
invitation to attend
the wedding been extended to the President in consequence
of a personal friendship with Chaskalson P, it might have been relevant
to
establish such a relationship. In this case, it is clear from the accepted
facts that there was no such relationship and the
wedding incident takes the
matter no further.
[83] It follows that the facts relied upon by the
fourth respondent do not establish that there was a “longstanding
relationship
between the Chaskalson and Mandela families and a close personal
relationship between Justice Chaskalson and President Mandela”.
There is
no factual basis for that allegation and it must therefore be
dismissed.
[84] The final allegation relating to a personal relationship
concerned the addition of Mr Matthew Chaskalson, the elder son of Chaskalson
P,
to the legal team representing the appellants in this appeal. Mr Chaskalson has
built a successful practice as a constitutional
law expert at the Johannesburg
Bar and is the co-author of one of the leading works on the subject. He has
appeared as counsel in
numerous cases in this Court. We would also mention that
it has been accepted practice in our courts for many decades that close
family
members appear before each other and it has never before been suggested that it
was inappropriate.
8
[6]
Where a
court consists of a number of judges, there is even less ground for objection.
Mr Chaskalson was introduced as the second
junior counsel in the appeal but had
already appeared as the third counsel in the condonation application. His name
appeared on
the record when argument was lodged in the latter application and no
objection was raised to this at the time or in the correspondence
which preceded
the recusal application. It was not suggested that this in itself was a reason
for Chaskalson P to recuse himself.
The first and only reference to Mr
Chaskalson is in the founding affidavit of the fourth respondent where reliance
is placed on
his brief in this matter in support of the alleged relationship
between the families of Chaskalson P and the President. That is
clearly without
substance and it is not without significance that this complaint was not
referred to by the fourth respondent’s
counsel in his argument.
[85] Although the fourth respondent sought to rely on what he called in
his affidavit “the highest mutual respect between Justice
Chaskalson and
the President”, his counsel accepted that this consideration probably
applied to all judges in any of our courts.
Most judges in most countries will
have high respect for the head of state and that is usually reciprocal. This
can hardly be a
complaint or a factor forming a basis for a recusal
application.
[86] Then we come to allegations relating to alleged
“close ties” between Chaskalson P and the ANC. The contact between
Chaskalson P and the ANC appears from para 2.4 of the Justices
statement.
8
[7]
In particular,
attention is drawn to the context in which Chaskalson P appeared on the stage
with Mr Mandela at a rally soon after
Mr Mandela’s release. That
appearance was a direct consequence of Chaskalson P having been a junior member
of the Rivonia
trial defence team some 35 years before. It was accepted by the
fourth respondent that Chaskalson P has never been a member of the
ANC
“or any related organisation”. The other contacts with the ANC
arose solely from his role as a professional advisor
at the time of the
constitutional negotiations. In any event, those contacts ceased when
Chaskalson P was appointed to this Court.
[87] It follows from the
foregoing, that had any reasonable person known what became the accepted facts
in this application, with
regard to the relationship between Chaskalson P and
the President, his family and the ANC, such person would have no reasonable
basis
to apprehend that Chaskalson P would be biased against the fourth
respondent or that he would not bring an impartial mind to bear
on the issues in
this appeal.
[88] The fourth respondent also relies on his alleged
perception that there was an unfair reference by Chaskalson P that the learned
judge in the lower court had not read the Constitution. During argument it was
accepted by counsel for the fourth respondent that
an inappropriate remark of
the nature referred to by the fourth respondent had not been
made.
[89] There is no merit in the allegation by the fourth respondent that
Chaskalson P was obliged of his own volition to have disclosed
any of the
foregoing. Judicial officers are obliged to disclose only such facts as might
reasonably be relevant to a recusal application.
It follows that the
non-disclosure of irrelevant facts cannot be a basis for a reasonable
apprehension of bias. In any event Chaskalson
P dealt fully with his
relationship with the President and the ANC in his letter of 15 April 1999. The
complaint that Chaskalson
P did not, in response to the Botha letter of 13
April, disclose the date of his son’s wedding and that this failure gave
rise
to the suspicion of closer ties with the President is both petty and
fanciful apart from being unreasonable.
[90] It remains to refer to the
fourth respondent’s supplementary affidavit in which he relies on the
views expressed about
Chaskalson P by Mr R Van Schalkwyk. Mr Trengove correctly
objected to the admission of this affidavit and it was received provisionally.

The opinion of Mr Van Schalkwyk is clearly as irrelevant as would be the
opinion of any other member of the public. The fact that
the author happens to
be a former member of the High Court bench takes the matter no further. In any
event the reasons for the opinion
expressed by Mr Van Schalkwyk are not provided
by the fourth respondent.
[91] The allegations and complaints made
against Chaskalson P, on the correct facts now accepted by the fourth
respondent, would
not cause a reasonable and informed person reasonably to
apprehend that Chaskalson P would be biased against the fourth respondent
or
reasonably to apprehend that he would not bring an impartial mind to bear on the
issues in this appeal. In all the circumstances
Chaskalson P, with the
concurrence of the nine other members of this Court, refused to recuse
himself.
Specific allegations and complaints made with regard to Langa
DP
[92] The fourth respondent now accepts that Langa DP has on no
occasion attended a private dinner at the home of the President.
All the
remaining allegations and complaints directed at Langa DP relate to his
association with the ANC prior to his appointment
to this Court. In this regard
we refer to paras 70 - 76 above and to the fact that Langa DP severed his ties
with the ANC before
or immediately upon his appointment to the Court.
[93] We would also point out that the association of Langa DP with the
ANC was a matter of public record in October 1994 when it
was disclosed to the
Judicial Service Commission at the time it interviewed candidates for
appointment to this Court. Even prior
thereto the activities of Langa DP
referred to by the fourth respondent, by their nature, were widely known. The
complaint that
Langa DP should have disclosed his association with the ANC is
without merit both because it was a matter of public knowledge and
because it
was not a ground on which a reasonable person would have apprehended bias.
[94] With the concurrence of all the members of this Court, Langa DP
refused to recuse himself.
Specific allegations and complaints
relating to Sachs J
[95] It was accepted by the fourth respondent
that there was no personal relationship between Sachs J and the President and
that
he has never dined in private at the home of the
President.
[96] For the same reasons as apply to Langa
DP,
8
[8]
the association of Sachs J
with the ANC is also a matter of public record. Unlike Langa DP, however, Sachs
J held office in structures
of the ANC and became a member of its National
Executive Committee. Having regard to the fact that Sachs J also severed his
ties
with the ANC before or immediately upon his appointment to this Court, that
association takes the matter no further. For the same
reasons set out in paras
70 - 76, we are of the opinion that prior political association, of the kind
here in issue, is not a basis
upon which a reasonable person would apprehend
bias in a case such as the present, notwithstanding that the credibility of the
President,
the Minister and the DG are likely to be in
issue.
[97] Perhaps the most inappropriate allegation made in the whole
of this unfortunate application is that relating to the severe injuries
which
Sachs J suffered in Maputo at the hands of the South African security forces.
As is well known, Sachs J lost his right arm
and sight in an eye in consequence
of a bomb placed under his car. The allegation that Sachs J would by reason
thereof be biased
against the fourth respondent or in favour of the President
reflects adversely on those who make that allegation and provides no
basis for
recusal. This is a tasteless allegation which is rejected. The less said about
it the better.
[98] The final matter raised against Sachs J, in the
supplementary affidavit, is his conduct with regard to the 1989 ANC commission
of inquiry of which he was a
member.
8
[9]
This issue was
canvassed by the Judicial Service Commission and was not considered to be a
ground disqualifying Sachs J from appointment
to this Court. He was one of the
ten candidates on the shortlist presented by the Judicial Service Commission to
the President.
The President, acting with the concurrence of the Cabinet, and
after consulting the leaders of the parties represented in the National
Assembly, appointed Sachs J to this Court. It is difficult to appreciate the
relevance of that incident to the question of bias
or impartiality in this case.
[99] Again, there was no reason for Sachs J to have disclosed of his
own volition any of the facts referred to by the fourth respondent.
It follows
from what we have already said that there was no good reason for Sachs J to have
recused himself and with the concurrence
of all the members of the Court he
refused to do so.
Specific allegations and complaints with regard to
Yacoob J
[100] The allegations and complaints made with regard to
Yacoob J are no different from those made against Langa DP with regard to
an
association with the ANC. With the concurrence of all the members of this
Court, Yacoob J refused to recuse himself.
The allegations and
complaints made with regard to Kriegler J
[101] We have already
recorded the withdrawal by the fourth respondent of the application for the
recusal of Kriegler J.
The approach of the
appellants
[102] The appellants' counsel informed the Court that his
clients considered it inappropriate to make submissions on the factual
allegations made with regard to the recusal application. They limited their
submissions to questions of law and to the inconvenience
their clients would
suffer if the effect of the application would be to break the quorum of eight
members able to hear the appeal.
Costs
[103] In our order we
reserved the question of the costs of this application. This will be considered
in the judgment on the merits
of the
appeal.
Conclusion
[104] The application for recusal was
dismissed on 7 May 1999 for the reasons stated above. In conclusion we would
add the following.
Under our new constitutional order, judicial officers are
now drawn from all sectors of the legal profession, having regard to the
constitutional requirement that the judiciary shall reflect broadly the racial
and gender composition of South Africa. While litigants
have the right to apply
for the recusal of judicial officers where there is a reasonable apprehension
that they will not decide a
case impartially, this does not give them the right
to object to their cases being heard by particular judicial officers simply
because
they believe that such persons will be less likely to decide the case in
their favour, than would other judicial officers drawn from
a different segment
of society. The nature of the judicial function involves the performance of
difficult and at times unpleasant
tasks. Judicial officers are nonetheless
required to “administer justice to all persons alike without fear, favour
or prejudice,
in accordance with the Constitution and the
law”.
9
[0]
To this end they
must resist all manner of pressure, regardless of where it comes from. This is
the constitutional duty common
to all judicial officers. If they deviate, the
independence of the judiciary would be undermined, and in turn, the Constitution
itself.
Chaskalson P, Langa DP, Ackermann J, Kriegler J,
Goldstone J, Madala J, Mokgoro J,
O’Regan J, Sachs J and Yacoob
J.
For the appellants: W Trengrove SC, A Bham and M Chaskalson instructed
by the State Attorney (Pretoria).
For the respondents: MC Maritz SC, M Helberg SC and JG Cilliers instructed
by Rooth and Wessels.
[1]
At the time of the hearing, there
was a vacancy on the Court which resulted from the untimely death of Didcott J
during October
1998.
[2]
Act
8 of 1947.
[3]
The judgment ran to over 1000
pages. An abridged version is reported as
SARFU and Others v President of
the Republic of the RSA and Others
1998 (10) BCLR 1256
(T).
[4]
It is not necessary in this
judgment to consider the nature or detail of these findings. This will be dealt
with in the judgment
on the appeal.
[5]
Dr Luyt acted both in his
personal capacity, and as president of SARFU and Gauteng Lions Rugby Union.
[6]
President of the Republic of
South Africa and Others v South African Rugby Football Union and Others
[1998] ZACC 21
;
1999
(2) SA 14
(CC);
1999 (2) BCLR 175
(CC).
[7]
Section 167(2) of the
Constitution.
[8]
See the judgment of this Court
in the condonation application, above n 6.
[9]
S v Bam
1972 (4) SA 41
(E) at 43H - 44A.
1
[0]
Moch v
Nedtravel (Pty) Ltd t/a American Express Travel Service
1996 (3) SA 1(A)
at
13H
(per Hefer
JA).
[1]
1
As
Chaskalson P pointed out at the hearing his letter refers to an “apparent
purpose” rather than to an “ulterior
purpose”.
1
[2]
The source
of this allegation is stated to be “the autobiography (sic) of Bram
Fischer” by Stephen Clingman. The biography
is
Bram Fischer: Afrikaner
Revolutionary
(David Philip and Mayibuye Books, Cape Town 1998)
.
At
447 the following is written:
“When he [Mr Mandela] was first released, he too spoke to multitudinous
crowds. At Soccer City in Soweto he flew in by helicopter
to speak to 100,000
people; Mzwakhe Mbuli, 'the people's poet', paid him tribute. On the stage
along with Mandela were Arthur Chaskalson
and George Bizos, the junior members
from the Rivonia team, as well as the other Rivonia accused; if Bram had been
alive he would
have been
there.”
1
[3]
The
allegations contained in this paragraph appear in a supplementary affidavit
handed in by the fourth respondent on the morning
of the first day of the
hearing. Counsel for the appellants opposed the admission of this affidavit and
it was received subject
to later argument if necessary.
1
[4]
This was a forum for the
negotiation of a new constitutional order on which were represented the former
government, liberation movements,
political parties and other groups.
1
[5]
These Minutes recorded the
terms of agreements entered into by the former government and the ANC.
1
[6]
The allegations contained in
this paragraph were also raised by the fourth respondent in his supplementary
affidavit. See above
n 13.
1
[7]
The Independent Electoral
Commission established by section 181 of the Constitution.
1
[8]
The Justices’
statement was accompanied by copies of the letters sent to Ackermann, Goldstone,
Madala, Mokgoro and O'Regan
JJ as well as a copy of the Director's letter to
Botha and the State Attorney which is reproduced in para 14
above.
1
[9]
Section 167(3)
provides :
“The Constitutional Court
-
(a) is the highest court in all constitutional matters;
(b) may decide only constitutional matters, and issues connected with decisions
on constitutional matters; and
(c) makes the final decision whether a matter is a constitutional matter or
whether an issue is connected with a decision on a constitutional
matter.”
2
[0]
1992
(3) SA 482
(A) at 491 E-F.
2
[1]
Section 39(2) provides:
“When interpreting any legislation, and when developing the common law or
customary law, every court, tribunal or forum must
promote the spirit, purport
and objects of the Bill of
Rights.”
[2]
2
Item
6 of Schedule 2 reads:
“(1) Each judge or acting judge, before the Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court of Appeal or another judge designated by the
Chief Justice, must
swear/affirm as
follows:
I, A.B., swear/solemnly affirm that, as a Judge of the Constitutional
Court/Supreme Court of Appeal/High Court/E.F. Court, I will
be faithful to the
Republic of South Africa, will uphold and protect the Constitution and the human
rights entrenched in it, and
will administer justice to all persons alike
without fear, favour or prejudice, in accordance with the Constitution and the
law.
(In the case of an oath: So help me God)
(2) A person appointed to the office of Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of
Appeal who is not already a judge at the time of that
appointment must swear or
affirm before the President of the Constitutional Court.
(3) Judicial officers, and acting judicial officers, other than judges, must
swear/affirm in terms of national
legislation.”
2
[3]
Moch,
above n 10.
2
[4]
See section 167(3), above n
19.
2
[5]
See
R v Bow Street
Metropolitan Stipendiary Magistrate and others, ex parte Pinochet Ugarte (No
2)
[1999] UKHL 1
;
[1999] 1 All ER 577
(HL);
[1999] 2 W.L.R. 272
, decided by the House of
Lords on 17 December 1998, reasons given on 15 January 1999.
2
[6]
1951 (1) SA 1
(A) at 6H.
2
[7]
Pinochet,
above n
25.
2
[8]
[1992] ZASCA 85
;
1992 (3) SA 673
(A) at 690A
- 695C.
2
[9]
Id at 693 I-J.
3
[0]
Id at 694I - 695A. See also
Moch,
above n 10 at 12 F-G (Per Hefer JA).
3
[1]
Pinochet,
above n 25
at 586
b
and 281 D-E respectively.
3
[2]
[1983] HCA 17
;
(1983) 151 CLR 288
at 293 -
4.
[3]
3
[1976] HCA 39
;
(1976) 136 CLR 248
at 258 -
263.
3
[4]
See, for example,
R. v.
S. (R.D.)
(1997)
118 CCC (3d) 353.
3
[5]
BTR
, above n 28.
3
[6]
Moch
, above n 10.
3
[7]
R.v.S.(R.D)
, above n
34 at para 117.
3
[8]
Id at para 32.
3
[9]
See for instance
S v
Radebe
1973 (1) SA 796
(A) at 813 F-G; and
R v T
1953 (2) SA 479
(A)
at 483 C-D.
4
[0]
See para 45 below.
4
[1]
Benjamin N Cardozo in
The
Nature of the Judicial Process
(1921) at 12-13, and 167 which is quoted with
approval by L'Heureux-Dube and McLachlin JJ in
R. v. S. (R.D.
), above n
34 at para 34.
4
[2]
R.v.S. (R.D)
, above n
34 at para 119.
4
[3]
Id at paras 38-39.
[4]
4
1995 (2) SACR 648
(C).
4
[5]
Id at 650 E-H.
4
[6]
See also
Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania and Raymond Williams et al v Local Union 542, International Union
of Operating Engineers, et al
388 F. Supp. 155 (1974) where Higginbotham J
refused a recusal application based on his race, prior political associations
and political
statements.
4
[7]
[1972] USSC 193
;
409 US 824
(1972) at
836.
4
[8]
“Disqualification of
Judges: In Support of the Bayh Bill” in 35
Law and Contemporary
Problems
43 at 48.
4
[9]
See
Moch,
above n
10;
BTR,
above n 28;
Mönnig,
above n 20.
5
[0]
(1976) 68 DLR (3d) 716 at
735.
5
[1]
R.v S (R.D.
), above n
34 at para 111.
5
[2]
Pinochet,
above n 25
at 588
c
and 284E respectively.
5
[3]
[1993] UKHL 1
;
[1993] AC 646
, in which the
test applied was a “real danger that the judge was biased”.
5
[4]
Re J.R.L.:Ex parte
C.J.L.
[1986] HCA 39
;
(1986) 161 CLR 342
at 352.
[5]
5
Id at 352.
5
[6]
Laird,
above n 47 at
837-8.
5
[7]
Section 175(1)
provides:
“The President may appoint a woman or a man to be an acting judge of the
Constitutional Court if there is a vacancy or if a
judge is absent. The
appointment must be made on the recommendation of the Cabinet member responsible
for the administration of justice
acting with the concurrence of the President
of the Constitutional Court and the Chief
Justice.”
5
[8]
Counsel for the President
submitted that a vacancy caused by the recusal of a member of this Court would
not create a vacancy on
the Court or cause that judge to “be
absent”. It is not necessary in this case to decide this issue.
5
[9]
See para 29 above.
6
[0]
See above para 11.
6
[1]
See above para 11. The
second question was not applicable to those members of the Court who had been
judges prior to 1990, namely,
Kriegler, Goldstone and Ackermann JJ. Similarly,
the fourth respondent must have known that the sixth question could also not be
applicable to most of the nine members of the Court who do not know his attorney
and therefore could not have borne any animosity
toward him.
6
[2]
SARFU
, above n 6.
6
[3]
See for example,
Fedsure
Life Assurance Ltd and Others v Greater Johannesburg Transitional Metropolitan
Council and Others
[1998] ZACC 17
;
1999 (1) SA 374
(CC);
1998 (12) BCLR 1458
(CC);
Premier, Mpumalanga, and Another v Executive Committee, Association of State
Aided Schools, Eastern Transvaal
[1998] ZACC 20
;
1999 (2) SA 91
(CC);
1999 (2) BCLR 151
(CC);
Pretoria City Council v Walker
1998 (2) SA 363 (CC); 1998 (3) BCLR
257 (CC).
6
[4]
The appeal had to
be prosecuted in accordance with the requirements of Rule 15(2) which provides:
“A person or organ of state entitled to do so and desirous of appealing
against such an order in terms of section 172(2)(d)
of
the Constitution
shall, within 21 days of the making of such order, lodge a notice of appeal with
the
registrar
and a copy thereof with the registrar of the court which
made the order, whereupon the matter shall be disposed of in accordance
with
directions
given by the
President
.”
6
[5]
SARFU,
above n 6 at paras 51-54.
[6]
6
The relevant dates are the
following: The condonation application was heard on 24 November 1998; the order
granting condonation
and fixing the dates with regard to the appeal was made on
2 December 1998; the record was to be lodged by 11 January 1999; the appellants
were to lodge their heads of argument by 3 February 1999, and the respondents
theirs by 10 March 1999. The application for the postponement
was first
mentioned in a letter from Botha to the Court dated 13 January 1999. A formal
application for a postponement was lodged
with the registrar on 21 January
1999.
6
[7]
Act 200 of 1993.
6
[8]
At that time Corbett
CJ.
6
[9]
Section 233(3) and (4)
of the interim Constitution provide:
“(3) Where in this Constitution any functionary is required to take a
decision in consultation with another functionary, such
decision shall require
the concurrence of such other functionary: Provided that if such other
functionary is a body of persons it
shall express its concurrence in accordance
with its own decision-making procedures.
(4) Where in this Constitution any functionary is required to take a decision
after consultation with another functionary, such decision
shall be taken in
good faith after consulting and giving serious consideration to the views of
such other
functionary.”
7
[0]
The
fourth member of the Court appointed under the provisions of section 99(3) was
Mohamed CJ.
7
[1]
Section 99(4)
and (5) of the interim Constitution provide:
“(4) Subject to subsection (5), six judges of the Constitutional Court
shall be appointed by the President in consultation
with the Cabinet and after
consultation with the President of the Constitutional Court: Provided that not
more than two persons may
be appointed from the category of persons referred to
in subsection
(2)(c)(ii).
(5)
(a)
Subject to subsection (6), an appointment or appointments under
section 97(2) or subsection (4) or (7) of this section shall only
be made from
the recommendations of the Judicial Service Commission, and with due regard to
its reasons for such recommendations,
of not more than three nominees in excess
of the number of persons required to be appointed: Provided that in respect of
the first
appointment after the commencement of this Constitution of the six
judges referred to in subsection (4), the Judicial Service Commission
shall
submit a list of ten nominees.
(b)
If the appointing authorities decide not to accept any or some of
such recommendations, the Judicial Service Commission shall be informed
thereof
and be furnished with the reasons therefor.
(c)
After having been informed in terms of paragraph
(b)
, the
Judicial Service Commission shall, in accordance with paragraph
(a)
,
submit further recommendations, whereafter the appointing authorities shall make
the appointment or appointments from the recommendations
as supplemented in
terms of this paragraph.
(d)
In submitting its recommendations to the appointing authorities in
terms of paragraphs
(a)
and
(c)
the Judicial Service Commission
shall have regard to the need to constitute a court which is independent and
competent and representative
in respect of race and
gender.”
7
[2]
Then
constituted in terms of section 105(1) of the interim Constitution in terms of
which the Judicial Service Commission comprised
the Chief Justice; the President
of the Constitutional Court; a Judge President; the Minister of Justice or his
nominee; two practising
advocates; two practising attorneys; a professor of law;
four members of the Senate supported by a two-thirds majority of its members;
four persons designated by the President in consultation with the Cabinet; and
when considering matters relating to a provincial
or local division of the then
Supreme Court, the Judge President of the relevant division and the Premier of
the relevant province.
7
[3]
The Chief Justice presides
over the Supreme Court of
Appeal.
7
[4]
Section 174(4)
provides:
“The other judges of the Constitutional Court are appointed by the
President, as head of the national executive, after consulting
the President of
the Constitutional Court and the leaders of parties represented in the National
Assembly, in accordance with the
following
procedure:
(a) The Judicial Service Commission must prepare a list of nominees with three
names more than the number of appointments to be made,
and submit the list to
the President.
(b) The President may make appointments from the list, and must advise the
Judicial Service Commission, with reasons, if any of the
nominees are
unacceptable and any appointment remains to be made.
(c) The Judicial Service Commission must supplement the list with further
nominees and the President must make the remaining appointments
from the
supplemented
list.”
7
[5]
The
same is true, of course, in respect of similar courts in other countries. In
Laird
above n 47, Rehnquist J was asked to recuse himself on the ground
that prior to his appointment to the Supreme Court he had expressed
views in
public concerning the constitutionality of the very legislation which the Court
was required to interpret in that case.
It is not the practice of the United
States Supreme Court to file a judgment on applications for recusal. However in
this case
Rehnquist J filed a memorandum in which he said at 835:
“Since most Justices come to this bench no earlier than their middle
years, it would be unusual if they had not by that time
formulated at least some
tentative notions that would influence them in their interpretation of the
sweeping clauses of the Constitution
and their interaction with one another. It
would be not merely unusual, but extraordinary, if they had not at least given
opinions
as to constitutional issues in their previous legal careers. Proof
that a Justice's mind at the time he joined the Court was a complete
tabula
rasa
in the area of constitutional adjudication would be evidence of lack of
qualification, not lack of bias.”
See too
Milne,
above n 26 at 10 (Per Centlivres
JA).
7
[6]
Section 1
reads as follows:
“The Republic of South Africa is one, sovereign, democratic state founded
on the following
values:
(a)Human dignity, the achievement of equality and the advancement of human
rights and freedoms.
(b)Non-racialism and non-sexism.
(c) Supremacy of the constitution and the rule of law.
(d)Universal adult suffrage, a national common voters roll, regular elections
and a multi-party system of democratic government,
to ensure accountability,
responsiveness and
openness.”
[7]
7
We
do not, of course, leave out of account the provisions of the interim
Constitution. However, that constitution was expressly
an interim measure
designed to form a bridge between the old order and the new.
7
[8]
Fedsure,
above n 63
at paras 56 - 58.
7
[9]
Section
167(4) provides:
“ Only the Constitutional Court may
-
(a) decide disputes between organs of state in the national or provincial sphere
concerning the constitutional status, powers or
functions of any of those organs
of state;
(b) decide on the constitutionality of any parliamentary or provincial Bill, but
may do so only in the circumstances anticipated
in section 79 or 121;
(c) decide applications envisaged in section 80 or 122;
(d) decide on the constitutionality of any amendment to the Constitution;
(e) decide that Parliament or the President has failed to fulfil a
constitutional obligation; or
(f) certify a provincial constitution in terms of section
144.”
8
[0]
Section
167(5) provides:
“The Constitutional Court makes the final decision whether an Act of
Parliament, a provincial Act or conduct of the President
is constitutional, and
must confirm any order of invalidity made by the Supreme Court of Appeal, a High
Court, or a court of similar
status, before that order has any
force.”
8
[1]
In
terms of section 174(1) of the Constitution, citizenship is a requirement only
for appointment of judges to the Constitutional
Court; in terms of section
174(3) and (4), leaders of all parties represented in the National Assembly are
required to be consulted
by the President prior to such appointments being made;
and in terms of section 174(4)(a), the short list of nominees prepared by
the
Judicial Service Commission is required to contain the names of more candidates
than is the case in respect of the appointment
of judges to the other
courts.
8
[2]
See above para 9.
8
[3]
Milne,
above n 26 at
12A.
8
[4]
As far as our researches
reveal, past political association on the part of a judge has never been
considered a ground for recusal.
8
[5]
See
Beyers v Pretoria
Balieraad
1966 (2) SA 593
(AD);
Society of Advocates of South Africa
(Witwatersrand Division) v Cigler
1976 (4) SA 350
(T) at 354B-E.
8
[6]
In this Court, apart from
the case of Mr Chaskalson, Trengove AJ sat in cases in which his son, Mr W
Trengove SC appeared, and Kentridge
AJ sat in cases in which his
daughter-in-law, Mrs J Kentridge appeared.
8
[7]
See above para 23.
[8]
8
See above para 93.
8
[9]
See above para 20.11.
9
[0]
See above para 29.