August and Another v Electoral Commission and Others (CCT8/99) [1999] ZACC 3; 1999 (3) SA 1; 1999 (4) BCLR 363 (1 April 1999)

82 Reportability
Constitutional Law

Brief Summary

Constitutional Law — Voting rights of prisoners — Applicants, a convicted prisoner and an awaiting trial prisoner, sought to compel the Electoral Commission to enable prisoners to register and vote in the upcoming elections. The Transvaal High Court held that the Commission had no obligation to facilitate this process, asserting that any inability to register or vote was due to the prisoners' own actions. The Constitutional Court was asked to determine whether the right to vote, as enshrined in the Constitution, extends to prisoners and whether the Commission is required to take steps to ensure their participation in elections. The Court found that the right to vote is indeed a constitutional entitlement for all prisoners, and the Commission has a duty to facilitate their registration and voting, thereby overturning the High Court's decision.

Comprehensive Summary

Summary of Judgment


1. Introduction


This matter concerned constitutional proceedings about the voting rights of prisoners in relation to the 1999 general elections. It came before the Constitutional Court as an appeal (with leave sought) against a decision of the Transvaal High Court (per Els J) which had, in effect, declined to require the Electoral Commission to make arrangements enabling prisoners to register and vote.


The parties were two prisoner applicants, Arnold Keith August (a sentenced prisoner) and Veronica Pearl Sibongile Mabutho (an awaiting-trial prisoner), acting in their own interests and on behalf of all prisoners. The respondents were the Electoral Commission, its Chairperson, and the Minister of Home Affairs and Minister of Correctional Services.


Procedurally, after correspondence in which the applicants sought an undertaking that arrangements would be made for prisoner participation in the elections, the applicants launched an application in the High Court in December 1998. The Commission indicated it would not oppose the application in substance and would abide a court decision, while undertaking to do what it could should a court direct it to enable prisoners to register and vote. The High Court nevertheless dismissed the application on the basis that prisoners’ predicament was “of their own making” and that the Commission had not unlawfully limited the right to vote. A certificate under rule 18 was effectively refused (a negative certificate). The applicants then approached the Constitutional Court for leave to appeal, and the Court directed that leave and the merits be argued together on an expedited basis given the proximity of the election date.


The general subject-matter of the dispute was whether, in the absence of legislation disqualifying prisoners from voting, the constitutional right to vote required the Commission (and associated state actors) to take positive steps to ensure that prisoners were afforded a practical opportunity to register on the voters’ roll and to cast their ballots.


2. Material Facts


A central background fact was that, in the first democratic elections in 1994, Parliament had determined that (subject to specified exceptions) prisoners could vote, and the 1993 Electoral Act had disqualified only certain categories, including some prisoners convicted of specified serious offences. Under that regime, the Commission was to make regulations for prisoner voting for those not excluded.


By contrast, for the 1999 general elections, the Electoral Act 73 of 1998 created a general framework for registration and voting and listed disqualifications from registration (including lack of citizenship, certain mental-health related categories, and lack of ordinary residence in the district). Prisoners were not included among the categories of disqualified persons. The statute also provided for special votes for specified categories of persons unable to attend voting stations, but it did not expressly mention prisoners.


It was common cause in the Constitutional Court that Parliament had not enacted a law disqualifying prisoners from voting for the 1999 election, and the Commission conceded that prisoners retained the right to vote in principle. The practical dispute arose because, on the record, no provision had been made in the 1998 Electoral Act, the Electoral Commission Act, or Commission regulations, and no arrangements had been implemented by the Commission, to enable prisoners to register and vote while incarcerated.


The applicants’ personal circumstances illustrated the alleged practical disenfranchisement. The first applicant was a convicted prisoner serving a long sentence for fraud; the second applicant was detained awaiting trial on fraud charges. They sought a declaration that prisoners were entitled to register and vote, and orders requiring the respondents to make necessary arrangements to enable the exercise of these rights.


The Commission’s answering material raised difficulties concerning the statutory requirement that a voter register in the district where the voter is “ordinarily resident”. It posed the interpretive question whether a prisoner’s ordinary residence is the place where they lived before incarceration or the prison itself. The Commission asserted that either interpretation presented difficulties, and it emphasised logistical, financial, and administrative burdens, especially if votes cast in prison would have to be transported for counting in various districts.


The High Court accepted the proposition that prisoners’ predicament was “of their own making” and treated this as a basis for declining relief, particularly given the perceived logistical difficulties. The High Court held that prisoners had the right to register and vote like other citizens, but effectively placed the burden on prisoners, notwithstanding incarceration.


A further set of facts was introduced by the amicus curiae (the Centre for Applied Legal Studies), which relied on prisoner statistics suggesting that a significant proportion of prisoners were awaiting trial and that many were detained because they could not afford bail or pay small fines. In the Constitutional Court’s resolution of the matter, however, it concluded that it was not necessary to decide the amicus’s equality-based argument, given its finding on the right to vote and the threatened infringement.


A key timing fact was that general voter registration closed on 15 March 1999, creating urgency as prisoners incarcerated throughout the registration period would, on the applicants’ case, have been practically unable to register at all.


3. Legal Issues


The central legal questions the Court was required to determine were whether, in the absence of legislation disqualifying prisoners from voting, the failure to make arrangements enabling prisoner registration and voting constituted a threatened infringement of the constitutional right to vote; and whether the Commission was under a positive legal duty to take reasonable steps to facilitate the registration and voting of eligible prisoners.


A significant issue of statutory interpretation arose as to the meaning of “ordinarily resident” in section 7(1)(b) of the Electoral Act 73 of 1998, and whether that concept could accommodate registration by prisoners in the voting district where the prison is situated.


The dispute concerned law and the application of law to fact, specifically the application of constitutional voting rights and statutory obligations to the practical realities of incarceration. It also involved an evaluative component concerning what constituted “reasonable arrangements” and the extent to which administrative or logistical concerns could justify inaction in the absence of a limiting law.


4. Court’s Reasoning


The Court located the dispute within the constitutional architecture of universal adult suffrage and the entrenched right of every adult citizen to vote in elections for legislative bodies. It emphasised that the 1996 Constitution entrenches voting rights in unqualified terms, and unlike the interim Constitution, does not contain an express provision authorising disqualifications by ordinary legislation; accordingly, any limitation would have to meet the requirements of section 36, including the requirement of a law of general application.


The Court accepted as decisive that Parliament had not limited prisoners’ voting rights for the 1999 election. In that setting, it rejected the High Court’s approach that treated prisoners as the authors of their misfortune and therefore as undeserving of special arrangements. The Court considered that the inability of prisoners to access ordinary registration and voting procedures was not simply a matter of personal choice but of physical incapacity imposed by the state through incarceration, with the consequence that inaction would in practice amount to effective disenfranchisement without statutory authority.


In developing this reasoning, the Court drew on the idea that the right to vote “by its very nature” requires positive state action: elections must be proclaimed, voting mechanisms established, and secrecy and integrity secured. It held that this structure of the right carries positive responsibilities for the institutions tasked with electoral administration. The Court relied on the Electoral Commission Act’s provision that the Commission must compile and maintain voters’ rolls by registering eligible voters using government data and voter-supplied information, treating this as reinforcing an affirmative obligation to take reasonable steps to ensure eligible voters are registered.


The Court further placed weight on the common-law principle, reinforced by constitutionalism, that prisoners retain all personal rights not taken away by law or necessarily inconsistent with incarceration. It rejected the notion that incarceration, by itself and without legislation, could operate as a de facto disqualification from voting.


On the interpretive question of “ordinarily resident”, the Court disagreed with the High Court’s narrow construction. It held that the phrase is not a technical term and must be interpreted contextually in light of the Electoral Act’s purposes and constitutional imperatives, including the Act’s direction that it be interpreted to give effect to constitutional guarantees and responsibilities. The Court treated the concept as serving an administrative purpose in allocating voters to districts and enabling manageable voting processes. It reasoned that, because prisoners are compelled to live in prison, and because the relevant date for ordinary residence is the date of registration, many prisoners incarcerated throughout the registration period would generally be ordinarily resident in prison for electoral-registration purposes. The Court recognised that people may have more than one residence and noted that, depending on circumstances, registration in the pre-incarceration district might be permissible, but found that the “ordinary residence” concept could and should be read in a manner that facilitates enfranchisement.


The Court also addressed and discounted the Commission’s reliance on generalized logistical concerns as a basis for declining relief. It observed that prisoners constitute a determinate class in a controlled environment and that no specific evidence had been provided demonstrating insuperable difficulties, particularly when the electoral framework already contemplated special voting arrangements for other categories. The Court rejected the argument that the existence of hypothetical claims by other groups with voting difficulties justified denying relief to prisoners who had brought a concrete, timeous claim and were, by reason of incarceration, unable physically to access ordinary voting procedures.


Given the absence of a disqualifying law, the Court held that there was no basis upon which the respondents could justify the threatened infringement under section 36, because the limitation clause requires a limitation “in terms of law of general application”. In the Court’s view, the practical effect of the existing arrangements was that prisoners would be disenfranchised “by logistics” rather than by law.


In crafting a remedy, the Court approached the matter as one involving a threatened breach of the right to vote and held that the applicants were entitled to effective relief. It tailored relief to those prisoners who had been incarcerated during each and every period of general registration between November 1998 and March 1999, since such persons had been effectively prevented from registering at all. It also declared voting entitlements for prisoners on election day who were registered, whether previously or pursuant to the order.


The Court refrained from prescribing the detailed operational measures for registration and voting, holding that the specifics were pre-eminently for the Commission. However, it required the Commission to file an affidavit setting out how it would comply, to provide certainty and allow public scrutiny. This approach reflected a discretionary remedial judgment shaped by urgency, institutional competence, and the need for practical implementation.


Finally, the Court held that because the applicants had been compelled to litigate in both courts to secure the relief to which they were entitled, costs should follow the result, including the costs of two counsel.


5. Outcome and Relief


The Constitutional Court granted leave to appeal and upheld the appeal. It set aside the High Court’s order and replaced it with declaratory and mandatory relief recognising prisoner voting and registration rights and compelling reasonable arrangements to implement those rights.


The Court declared that all persons who were prisoners during each and every registration period between November 1998 and March 1999, and who were not excluded from voting by section 8(2) of the Electoral Act 73 of 1998, were entitled to register as voters on the national common voters’ roll. It also declared that all persons who were prisoners on the date of the general election were entitled to vote if registered pursuant to the order or otherwise.


The Court ordered the respondents to make all reasonable arrangements necessary to enable registration and voting for the relevant prisoners. It further required the Electoral Commission (first respondent) to serve and lodge, by 16 April 1999, an affidavit explaining how it would comply with the arrangements for registration and voting, with the affidavit forming part of the public record.


The Electoral Commission was ordered to pay the applicants’ costs in the High Court and in the Constitutional Court, including the costs of the application for a certificate and including the costs occasioned by the employment of two counsel.


Cases Cited


Minister of Justice v Hofmeyr [1993] ZASCA 40; 1993 (3) SA 131 (A).


Goldberg and Others v Minister of Prisons and Others 1979 (1) SA 14 (A).


Woods v Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs 1995 (1) SA 703 (ZSC).


S v Makwanyane and Another [1995] ZACC 3; 1995 (3) SA 391; 1995 (6) BCLR 665 (CC).


O'Brien v Skinner [1974] USSC 11; 414 US 524 (1973).


Minister of the Interior and Another v Harris and Others 1952 (4) SA 769 (A).


Harksen v Lane NO and Others [1997] ZACC 12; 1997 (11) BCLR 1489; 1998 (1) SA 300 (CC).


Buck v Parker 1908 TS 1100.


Biro v Minister of the Interior 1957 (1) SA 234 (T).


Fox v Stirk and another [1970] 2 QB 463 (CA).


Haig v Canada 105 DLR (4th) 577 (SCC).


Sauve v Canada (Attorney General) 7 OR (3rd) 481 (CAO).


Legislation Cited


Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (sections 1(d), 19, 36, 38, 181(2), 190(1)(a)–(b)).


Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Act 200 of 1993 (interim Constitution) (sections 6(c), 21(2)).


Electoral Act 73 of 1998 (sections 2(a), 6, 7(1), 8(2), 14(2), 33, 100).


Electoral Commission Act 51 of 1996 (section 5(1)(e)).


Electoral Act 202 of 1993 (section 16, section 76(1)).


Mental Health Act 18 of 1973.


Prevention and Treatment of Drug Dependency Act 20 of 1992.


Rules of Court Cited


Rule 18 of the Rules of the Constitutional Court.


Held


The Court held that, because no law of general application had been enacted to disqualify prisoners from voting, eligible prisoners retained the constitutional right to vote, and the failure to make arrangements enabling prisoners to register and vote constituted a threatened infringement of section 19 of the Constitution. It held that the Electoral Commission had an obligation to take reasonable steps to facilitate the registration and voting of eligible prisoners and that statutory concepts such as “ordinarily resident” must be interpreted in context in a manner that supports enfranchisement, which could include treating prisoners as ordinarily resident in prison for registration purposes.


The Court accordingly granted declaratory relief confirming prisoners’ entitlements to register (for those incarcerated throughout the registration periods) and to vote (if registered), and it ordered the making of reasonable arrangements as well as the filing of an affidavit detailing compliance. Costs were awarded against the Electoral Commission.


LEGAL PRINCIPLES


The right to vote entrenched in section 19 of the Constitution is expressed in unqualified terms, and any limitation of that right must comply with section 36, including the requirement that the limitation be effected in terms of law of general application.


Constitutional voting rights entail positive obligations on state institutions responsible for elections. In particular, the Electoral Commission’s statutory mandate to compile and maintain voters’ rolls supports an obligation to take reasonable steps to enable eligible citizens to register and vote, rather than treating the franchise as purely voter-driven where the state’s own actions make ordinary participation impossible.


Prisoners retain all rights not taken away by law or necessarily inconsistent with incarceration. Incarceration, without legislative disenfranchisement, cannot operate as a de facto basis for the denial of voting rights through administrative inaction.


Legislation concerning the franchise must be interpreted, where the text allows, in favour of enfranchisement rather than disenfranchisement, and context-sensitive terms such as “ordinarily resident” must be construed to promote the constitutional and statutory objectives of an effective electoral system consistent with universal suffrage.


Where a constitutional right is infringed or threatened, a court may grant appropriate relief, and the existence of a right requires an effective remedy; a right rendered valueless by the absence of practical mechanisms for its exercise is inconsistent with constitutional guarantees.

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August and Another v Electoral Commission and Others (CCT8/99) [1999] ZACC 3; 1999 (3) SA 1; 1999 (4) BCLR 363 (1 April 1999)

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CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA
Case CCT 8/99
ARNOLD KEITH AUGUST
First Applicant
VERONICA PEARL SIBONGILE MABUTHO Second
Applicant
versus
THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION First
Respondent
THE CHAIRPERSON OF THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION Second
Respondent
THE MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS Third Respondent
THE
MINISTER OF CORRECTIONAL SERVICES Fourth Respondent
Heard on : 19 March 1999
Decided on : 1 April
1999
JUDGMENT
SACHS J:
The
Context
[1] The issue before this Court concerns the voting rights of
prisoners. It arises in an appeal against the judgment of Els J in
the
Transvaal High Court which in effect held that the Electoral Commission (the
Commission)
[1]
had no obligation to
ensure that awaiting trial and sentenced prisoners may register and vote in the
general elections which has
been announced for 2 June 1999.
[2] In the first
democratic elections held five years ago, Parliament determined that, with
certain specified exceptions, all prisoners
could vote. The interim
Constitution
[2]
provided for universal
adult suffrage and did not expressly disqualify any prisoners. It did, however,
provide that disqualifications
could be prescribed by
law.
[3]
The Electoral
Act
[4]
(the 1993 Electoral Act)
disqualified persons on four grounds, two of which related to mental incapacity,
the third to drug dependency
and the fourth to imprisonment for specified
serious offences. More specifically, section 16(d) of the 1993 Electoral Act
declared
that no person shall be entitled to vote in the election if that person
was:
“(d) detained in a prison after being convicted and sentenced without the
option of a fine in respect of . . . (i) [m]urder,
robbery with aggravating
circumstances and rape; or (ii) any attempt to commit [such an] offence. .
.”
[5]
All other
prisoners were therefore entitled to vote. This Act went on to state that the
Commission should make regulations providing
for voting stations for and the
procedure regulating the casting and counting of votes by prisoners and persons
awaiting trial, other
than those specifically
excluded.
[6]
[3] The 1996
Constitution provides that one of the values on which the one, sovereign and
democratic state of the Republic of South
Africa is founded is
“[u]niversal adult suffrage” and “a national common voters
roll”.
[7]
It goes on to
guarantee that “[e]very adult citizen has the right . . . to vote in
elections for any legislative body established
in terms of the Constitution, and
to do so in secret; . . .”
[8]
Unlike the interim Constitution, however, the above sections contain no
provision allowing for disqualifications from voting to
be prescribed by law.
Accordingly, if Parliament seeks to limit the unqualified right of adult
suffrage entrenched in the Constitution,
it will be obliged to do so in terms of
a law of general application which meets the requirements of reasonableness and
justifiability
as set out in section
36.
[9]
[4] As far as the coming
general elections are concerned, Parliament has not sought to limit the right of
prisoners to vote. The
Electoral
Act
1
[0]
(the 1998 Electoral Act)
provides that:
“6(1) Any South African citizen in possession of an identity document may
apply for registration as a voter.
7(1) A person applying for registration as a voter must do so
-
(a) in the prescribed manner; and
(b) only for the voting district in which that person is ordinarily
resident.
8(1) If satisfied that a person's application for registration complies with
this Act, the chief electoral officer must register
that person as a voter by
making the requisite entries in the voters'
roll.”
The disqualifications are given as
follows:
“8(2) The chief electoral officer may not register a person as a voter if
that person -
(a) has applied for registration fraudulently or otherwise than in the
prescribed manner;
(b) is not a South African citizen;
(c) has been declared by the High Court to be of unsound mind or mentally
disordered;
(d) is detained under the Mental Health Act, 1973 (Act No. 18 of 1973); or
(e) is not ordinarily resident in the voting district for which that person has
applied for registration.”
Prisoners are not included in the list of disqualified persons.
[5] The
Act goes on to deal with applications for special votes by persons who find it
impossible to appear in person at the voting
stations. Section 33 provides for
special votes in the following terms:
“(1) The
Commission-
(a) must allow a person to apply for a special vote if that person cannot vote
at a voting station in the voting district in which
the person is registered as
a voter, due to that
person's-
(i) physical infirmity or
disability, or pregnancy;
(ii) absence from the Republic on Government service or membership of the
household of the person so being absent; or
(iii) absence from that voting district while serving as an officer in the
election concerned, or while on duty as a member of the
security services in
connection with the election;
(b) may prescribe other categories of persons who may apply for special
votes.”
Once more, no express
mention is made of prisoners.
The Issues
[6] It was in this
setting of legislative silence, where Parliament has done nothing to limit the
constitutional entitlement of prisoners
to vote, that the applicants approached
the Commission to ensure that as prisoners they would indeed be enabled to
register and vote.
First applicant is a convicted prisoner serving a long
sentence for fraud, while the second applicant is an unsentenced prisoner
in
custody awaiting her trial later this year on charges of fraud. Acting in their
own interest and on behalf of all prisoners,
the applicants sought an
undertaking from the Commission that prisoners would be able to take part in the
elections.
[7] It is not necessary to canvass the extensive correspondence
conducted with the respondents on their behalf by the Legal Resources
Centre
(the LRC) save to say that the applicants asserted their claims even before the
1998 Electoral Act was promulgated on 16
October
1998.
1
[1]
When no satisfactory
response was received from the Commission, the applicants launched an
application on 23 December 1998 for a
declaration and orders enabling them and
other prisoners to register and vote. On 21 January 1999, the Commission wrote
to the LRC
in the following terms:
“We confirm that the Commission will not oppose the application, save to
make representations to persuade the court to pronounce
itself on the issues
raised in our letter and further that the Commission will abide the decision of
the said Court. In that regard,
the Commission undertakes to do everything
within its capacity to enable prisoners to register and to vote should the
Court's decision
be to that effect.”
The Commission
therefore made it plain that it undertook, within its capacity, to enable
prisoners to register and vote should a court
so order.
[8] The matter came
before Els J in the Transvaal High Court on 22 February 1999 and judgment was
delivered the next day. Relying
heavily on the affidavit filed by the second
respondent, the learned judge stated that in his view there had been neither a
commission
nor an omission on the part of first and second respondents which
resulted in undue limitation to the constitutional right of prisoners
to vote.
He went on to hold that
“[a]ll prisoners have the right to register as voters and to vote as any
other South African citizen who is over 18 and in
[possession] of an
identification document. If a person does something which deprives him or her
of the
opportunity
to register as a voter or to vote, the first and
second respondents cannot be held responsible. An example is a person who
specifically
decides not to register because he does not want to vote, also a
person who is on vacation and decides not to return to his ordinary
place of
residence for the purpose of voting. The predicament in which the first and
second applicants and all other prisoners,
sentenced or unsentenced, find
themselves, is of their own making. They have deprived themselves of the
opportunity to register
and or to vote.” (Emphasis in the
original).
Bearing in mind what he regarded as insurmountable
logistical, financial and administrative difficulties, and on the basis that
special
measures to accommodate voters should be reserved for those voters
“whose predicament was not of their own making”, Els
J dismissed the
application, making no order as to costs.
[9] Wishing to appeal to this
Court the applicants then applied for a certificate in terms of rule 18 of the
Rules of this Court.
The learned judge, in effect, issued a negative
certificate on the grounds that although the matter was of public interest and
the
evidence was sufficient for a decision to be made, nevertheless there were
no reasonable prospects that this Court would arrive at
a conclusion different
from his.
[10] The applicants, relying on the right to vote, the right to
equality and the right to dignity, sought leave to appeal to this
Court. They
seek an order declaring that they and all prisoners are entitled to register as
voters on the national common voters’
roll and to vote in the forthcoming
general elections, and requiring the respondents to make all necessary
arrangements to enable
them and all prisoners to do so. The Court set the
matter down for expedited hearing on the basis that the application for leave
to
appeal and the merits of the proposed appeal would be argued
simultaneously.
[11] At the hearing in this Court, counsel for the
applicants contended that the right to vote of all persons, including prisoners,
was entrenched in the Constitution and that all prisoners’ rights, save
those necessarily taken away by the fact of incarceration,
were protected by the
common law and the Constitution. He argued that the Commission was accordingly
under a duty to facilitate
the registration of prisoners who were eligible to
vote, as well as to create conditions enabling them to vote, and that the Court
should issue a declaration affirming the rights of applicants and all prisoners
to register and vote and an order directing the respondents
to make the
necessary arrangements for these rights to be realised.
[12] The Centre for
Applied Legal Studies
1
[2]
was
admitted as an
amicus curiae
in order to introduce a new argument. They
quoted statistics to show that on 31 December 1998, 37% of all prisoners, that
is 54
121 out of 146 278, were unsentenced prisoners awaiting trial. Further,
at 15 February 1999, more than 20 000 awaiting trial prisoners
had been granted
bail but had been unable to pay, and that in the case of more than 8 000 of
these, the amounts of bail had been
R600 or less. There were also nearly 200
prisoners who were serving sentences because they had been unable to pay the
fines imposed
on them. It was contended that these prisoners were being
unfairly discriminated against on grounds of poverty in violation of the
equality provisions of section 9 of the Constitution, poverty constituting an
unspecified ground of unfair
discrimination.
1
[3]
[13] The
third and fourth respondents, being the Department of Home Affairs and the
Department of Correctional Services respectively,
did not oppose the
application. The first and second respondents, the Commission and the
Chairperson of the Commission respectively,
formally lodged a notice of
intention to oppose and filed an answering affidavit deposed to by the second
respondent. At the hearing
in this Court, counsel for the respondents denied
that the first and second respondents had done anything to limit the
applicants’
rights to register or vote and supported the conclusion
reached by Els J that the predicament in which the applicants found themselves
was of their own making. Counsel also pointed to the difficulty first and
second respondents had in attributing a meaning to the
phrase “ordinarily
resident” as contained in section 7(1)(b) of the 1998 Electoral Act. This
difficulty has been set
out in the second respondent’s answering affidavit
in which he posed the question: Is ordinary residence the place where the
person was ordinarily resident before he or she was incarcerated, or is the
prison the ordinary residence of a prisoner? The second
respondent averred that
the first of these interpretations would present the respondents and the
electoral process with immense logistical,
financial and administrative
difficulties. He emphasised that if prisoners were allowed to vote within the
prison and thereafter
the ballot papers had to be transported for counting to
the various places from which the prisoners had come, the logistical exercise
would be enormously costly and time consuming. The affidavit went on to aver
that
“. . . [a]s a special vote can take many forms, it is a costly and a
logistically difficult process which requires substantial
funding as well as
significant logistical preparations . . . it is significant to note that while
the Respondents should promote
constitutional democracy and register votes, it
is the obligation of the voter to apply for registration as a voter and to vote
and
not the obligation of the Respondents to seek out every potentially
enfranchised person. In other words, it is up to the voter to
ensure that he is
appropriately positioned for voting purposes.”
The second
respondent also averred that the second of these interpretations would create
difficulties for the Commission. Apart from
this general averment of
difficulty, however, counsel was unable to point to any specific evidence on the
record establishing insuperable
problems that would arise if the second possible
interpretation of the phrase “ordinarily resident” were to be
adopted.
Even on the first interpretation of the phrase, no explanation was
tendered to show why providing special votes for prisoners was
any more
difficult than providing special votes for the other categories of voters
referred to in section 33 of the 1998 Electoral
Act, such as persons in hospital
and diplomats abroad.
1
[4]
Finally, in his affidavit, the second respondent invited the court to issue
appropriate directions, having regard to the abovementioned
factors.
Constitutional and Statutory Context
[14] Section 1(d) of
the founding provisions of our Constitution declares that:
“The Republic of South Africa is one, sovereign, democratic state founded
on the following values:
. . .
(d) Universal adult suffrage, a national common voters roll, regular elections
and a multi-party system of democratic government,
to ensure accountability,
responsiveness and openness.”
[15] Section 19
provides that:
“(1) Every citizen is free to make political choices, which includes the
right -
(a) to form a political party;
(b) to participate in the activities of, or recruit members for, a political
party; and
(c) to campaign for a political party or
cause.
(2) Every citizen has the right to free, fair and regular elections for any
legislative body established in terms of the Constitution.
(3) Every adult citizen has the right -
(a) to vote in elections for any legislative body established in terms of the
Constitution, and to do so in secret; and
(b) to stand for public office and, if elected, to hold
office.”
[16] The right to vote by its very nature imposes positive obligations upon the
legislature and the executive. A date for elections
has to be promulgated, the
secrecy of the ballot secured and the machinery established for managing the
process. For this purpose
the Constitution provides for the establishment of
the Commission to manage elections and ensure that they are free and
fair.
1
[5]
The Constitution requires
the Commission to be an independent and impartial
body
1
[6]
with such additional powers
as are given to it by legislation. Section 5(1)(e) of the Electoral Commission
Act
1
[7]
(the Commission Act)
therefore provides that it is one of the functions of the Commission
to
(e) “. . . compile and maintain voters' rolls by means of a system of
registering of eligible voters by utilising data available
from government
sources and information furnished by
voters.”
This clearly imposes an
affirmative obligation on the Commission to take reasonable steps to ensure that
eligible voters are registered.
[17] Universal adult suffrage on a common
voters roll is one of the foundational values of our entire constitutional
order. The
achievement of the franchise has historically been important both
for the acquisition of the rights of full and effective citizenship
by all South
Africans regardless of race, and for the accomplishment of an all-embracing
nationhood. The universality of the franchise
is important not only for
nationhood and democracy. The vote of each and every citizen is a badge of
dignity and of personhood.
Quite literally, it says that everybody counts. In
a country of great disparities of wealth and power it declares that whoever
we
are, whether rich or poor, exalted or disgraced, we all belong to the same
democratic South African nation; that our destinies
are intertwined in a single
interactive polity. Rights may not be limited without justification and
legislation dealing with the
franchise must be interpreted in favour of
enfranchisement
rather than
disenfranchisement.
1
[8]
[18] It
is a well-established principle of our common law, predating the era of
constitutionalism, that prisoners are entitled to
all their personal rights and
personal dignity not temporarily taken away by law, or necessarily inconsistent
with the circumstances
in which they have been
placed.
1
[9]
Of course, the inroads
which incarceration necessarily makes upon prisoners' personal rights and
liberties are very considerable.
They no longer have freedom of movement and
have no choice regarding the place of their imprisonment. Their contact with
the outside
world is limited and regulated. They must submit to the discipline
of prison life and to the rules and regulations which prescribe
how they must
conduct themselves and how they are to be treated while in prison.
Nevertheless, there is a substantial residue of
basic rights which they may not
be denied; and if they are denied them, then they are entitled to legal redress.
In
Minister of Justice v
Hofmeyr
,
2
[0]
Hoexter JA
emphasised the need to
“. . . negate the parsimonious and misconceived notion that upon his
admission to gaol a prisoner is stripped, as it were,
of all his personal
rights; and that thereafter, and for so long as his detention lasts, he is able
to assert only those rights for
which specific provision may be found in the
legislation relating to prisons, whether in the form of statutes or regulations.
. .
[T]he extent and content of a prisoner's rights are to be determined by
reference not only to the relevant legislation but also by
reference to his
inviolable common-law
rights.”
2
[1]
[19] These
words were written before South Africa became a constitutional democracy. Now
the common law rights have been reinforced
and entrenched by the
Constitution.
2
[2]
It is in this
context that the powers and responsibilities of the Commission under the 1998
Electoral Act and the Commission Act
must be interpreted, and the question
should be answered as to whether prisoners' constitutional rights to vote will
be infringed
if no appropriate arrangements are made to enable them to register
and vote.
[20] As has been stated above, the right of every adult citizen to
vote in elections for every legislative body is given in unqualified
terms. The
first and second respondents correctly conceded that prisoners retain the right
to vote, since Parliament has not passed
any law limiting that right. It is not
necessary in the present case to determine whether or not Parliament could have
disqualified
all or any prisoners. The fact is that it has not sought to do so.
The basic argument of the respondents, therefore, was that although
the right
of prisoners to vote remained intact, prisoners had lost the opportunity to
exercise that right through their own misconduct.
This argument was accepted by
Els J. At the heart of his judgment is a statement that prisoners are the
authors of their own misfortune
and therefore cannot require special
arrangements to be made for them to vote.
[21]
[ The suggestion that
prisoners otherwise eligible should be disqualified from enjoying their rights
not by statute, but by the mere
fact of their incarceration, was considered and
firmly rejected by the US Supreme Court in the case of
O'Brien v
Skinner.
2
[3]
Speaking for the
Court, Burger CJ stated that the appellant prisoners
were:
“ . . . not disabled from voting except by reason of not being able
physically - in the very literal sense - to go to the polls
on election day or
to make the appropriate registration in advance by
mail.”
2
[4]
He
held that their voting rights were being infringed, although:
“ . . . under no legal disability impeding their legal right to register
or to vote; they are simply not allowed to use the
absentee ballot and are
denied any alternative means of casting their vote although they are legally
qualified to
vote.”
2
[5]
[22] Marshall
J was even more emphatic in his concurring judgment. He said:
“ . . . [N]or can it be contended that denial of absentee ballots to
[prisoners] does not deprive them of their right to vote
any more than it
deprives others who may ‛similarly' find it ‛impracticable' to get
to the polls on election day . .
. ; here, it is the State which is both
physically preventing [the prisoners] from going to the polls and denying them
alternative
means of casting their ballots.
Denial of absentee registration
and absentee ballots is effectively an absolute denial of the franchise to these
[prisoners]
.”
2
[6]
(My
emphasis.)
These views are directly applicable in the present
case. In reality no provision has been made either in the 1998 Electoral Act or
in the Commission Act or in the regulations of the Commission to enable the
prisoners to exercise their constitutional right to register
and vote. Nor has
the Commission made any arrangements to enable them to register and vote. The
Commission accordingly has not
complied with its obligation to take reasonable
steps to create the opportunity to enable eligible prisoners to register and
vote.
The consequence has been a system of registration and voting which would
effectively disenfranchise all prisoners without constitutional
or statutory
authority unless some action is taken to prevent that. The applicants have
accordingly established a threatened breach
of section 19 of the Constitution.
[23] In the absence of a disqualifying legislative provision, it was not
possible for respondents to seek to justify the threatened
infringement of
prisoners’ rights in terms of section 36 of the Constitution as there was
no law of general application upon
which they could rely to do
so.
Ordinarily Resident
[24] It is necessary now to turn to the
proper interpretation of the phrase “ordinarily resident” which
occupied so much
attention during the proceedings. As noted above, the second
respondent in his answering affidavit identified the difficulties the
Commission
had faced in applying this phrase. In his judgment, Els J held that:
“ . . . ‛ordinary residence' means a commonplace abode where a
person, under normal circumstances of life, lives or conducts
his or her
affairs. It is argued on behalf of the applicant that ordinary resident should
be interpreted as the prison, where the
prisoners are incarcerated. With this
argument I cannot agree.”
The phrase “ordinarily
resident” is not, however, a term of art. It is well established in our
law that the word “residence”
must be interpreted in its
context.
2
[7]
Its meaning depends on
the context in which it is used and the purpose it is intended to
serve.
[25] Section 7(1) of the 1998 Electoral Act provides:
“A person applying for registration as a voter must do so
-
(a) in the prescribed manner; and
(b) only for the voting district in which that person is ordinarily
resident.”
The purpose of the phrase
“ordinarily resident” is to facilitate the electoral process. It
will, for example, enable
the allocation of voters to voting districts, each
with their own polling stations, so that an identified and relatively small
number
of voters resident in that district during the period of registration and
voting will vote in it. The voters’ roll for each
district will be
prepared on the basis of those that have registered for each district. This
will facilitate easy and accurate identification
on voting day and prevent long
queues.
[26] In addition, section 2(a) of the 1998 Electoral Act requires
that the Act be interpreted “in a manner that gives effect
to the
constitutional declarations, guarantees and responsibilities contained in the
Constitution”. The Act must therefore
be interpreted in a way which
enhances enfranchisement and underlines the positive responsibilities of the
Commission in facilitating
registration and voting. The phrase
“ordinarily resident” must therefore be interpreted in a way which
facilitates both
the constitutional and legislative objectives.
[27] I
cannot agree with Els J in regard to the meaning of “ordinarily
resident” in the context of the Electoral Act.
It is clear from section
7(1) of the Act that the relevant date for determining where a person is
“ordinarily resident”
is the date upon which the person registers.
Whether a person is “ordinarily resident” at that date at a
particular
place will depend on the circumstances of each case. When people are
imprisoned, they are forced to leave their homes and to reside
in prison. They
have no choice. They eat, sleep and exercise in prison. The vast majority of
prisoners had nowhere else where
they were legally entitled to live on the dates
fixed for registration. It will be seen for the reasons given at paragraph 37
below,
that the order made in this case relating to registration, affects those
prisoners who were imprisoned during all the periods of
registration for voting
between November 1998 and March 1999. Such prisoners will mostly have been in
prison for more than three
months and they generally will be “ordinarily
resident” in prison as a result. This is not to say that a person may
not
have two residences.
2
[8]
Depending
on the circumstances, it may be permissible to allow prisoners to register in
the districts where they lived before they
were imprisoned.
[28] There are a
variety of ways in which enfranchisement of prisoners could be achieved in
practice. Polling stations could be set
up in the prisons or special votes could
be provided to prisoners. Prisoners are literally a captive population, living
in a disciplined
and closely monitored environment, regularly being counted and
recounted. The Commission should have little difficulty in ensuring
that those
who are eligible to vote are registered and given the opportunity to vote, and
that the objective of achieving an easily
managed poll on election day is
accomplished.
[29] The question of a concentrated prison electorate
exercising disproportionate local influence was raised as casting doubt on
such
an interpretation. The forthcoming elections are, however, being conducted by
means of a system of proportional representation
on the basis of national and
provincial party lists, so that treating prisons as the places of ordinary
residence will not significantly
distort the outcome. The concentration of
prisoners might have more significance for local government elections where the
ward system
plays an important role. These elections will, however, only be
held in 18 months time, and Parliament has ample opportunity to
consider this
question should it wish to do so.
[30] It was also contended that if special
arrangements were to be made for prisoners, then the resources of the Commission
would
be strained to bursting point by the need to make equivalent arrangements
for citizens abroad, pilots, long-distance truck drivers,
and poor persons
living in remote areas without public transport. A similar argument was
robustly rejected by Marshall J in
O'Brien
.
2
[9]
On the one hand
we have a determinate class of persons, subject to relatively easy and
inexpensive administrative control, who have
consistently asserted their claims,
who are physically prevented from exercising their voting rights whatever their
wishes are and
who have been given a specific undertaking by the first and
second respondents that should the Court so direct, the necessary arrangements
would be made for them to register and vote. On the other hand there are
speculative notional claims by a variety of other persons
who could point to
difficulty rather than impossibility of enjoyment of rights, and who have not
come timeously to court to assert
their claims. We cannot deny strong actual
claims timeously asserted by determinate people, because of the possible
existence of
hypothetical claims that might conceivably have been brought by
indeterminate groups.
[31] We recognise that, in a country like ours, racked
by criminal violence, the idea that murderers, rapists and armed robbers should
be entitled to vote will offend many people. Many open and democratic societies
impose voting disabilities on some categories of
prisoners.
3
[0]
Certain classes of
prisoners were in fact disqualified by
legislation
3
[1]
from voting in the
1994 elections, but that was specifically sanctioned by the interim
Constitution.
3
[2]
Although there is
no comparable provision in the 1996 Constitution, it recognises that limitations
may be imposed upon the exercise
of fundamental rights, provided they are
reasonable and justifiable and otherwise meet the requirements of section 36.
The question
whether legislation disqualifying prisoners, or categories of
prisoners, from voting could be justified under section 36 was not
raised in
these proceedings and need not be dealt with. This judgment should not be read,
however, as suggesting that Parliament
is prevented from disenfranchising
certain categories of prisoners. But, absent such legislation, prisoners have a
constitutional
right to vote and neither the Commission nor this Court has the
power to disenfranchise them.
[32] In any event, this case is not only about
criminals convicted of serious offences. Indeed the second applicant has not
been
convicted of any offence and, on the evidence of the amicus, more than a
third of all prisoners are in her position. In addition,
thousands of them are
in prison because they cannot afford to pay low amounts of bail or small fines.
One should not underestimate
the difficulties that would confront the
legislature in our particular context in determining whether or not certain
classes of prisoners
may legitimately have their right to vote
limited.
[33] Parliament cannot by its silence deprive any prisoner of the
right to vote. Nor can its silence be interpreted to empower or
require either
the Commission or this Court to decide which categories of prisoners, if any,
should be deprived of the vote, and
which should not. The Commission's duty is
to manage the elections, not to determine the electorate; it must decide the how
of voting,
not the who. Similarly the task of this Court is to ensure that
fundamental rights and democratic processes are protected.
[34] It is
instructive to look at the situations in which the two applicants find
themselves. The first applicant voted in the 1994
elections when he was already
a prisoner. The 1996 Constitution guaranteed his right to vote in unqualified
terms. Parliament has
not sought to limit that right at all. He is informed
that his right to vote remains intact and that the registration centres are
as
open to him as to anybody else. The only problem is that he is locked up. That
a right requires an appropriate remedy was trenchantly
affirmed by Centlivres CJ
in
Minister of the Interior and Another v Harris and
Others
:
3
[3]
“As I understand Mr Beyers’ argument the substantive right would, in
the event of such an Act having been passed, remain
intact but there would be no
adjective or procedural law whereby it could be enforced: in other words the
individual concerned whose
right was guaranteed by the Constitution would be
left in the position of possessing a right which would be of no value
whatsoever.
To call the rights entrenched in the Constitution constitutional
guarantees and at the same time to deny to the holders of those
rights any
remedy in law would be to reduce the safeguards enshrined in sec. 152 to
nothing. There can to my mind be no doubt that
the authors of the Constitution
intended that those rights should be enforceable by the Courts of Law. They
could never have intended
to confer a right without a remedy. The remedy is,
indeed, part and parcel of the right.
Ubi jus, ibi
remedium.”
In this case, the first applicant has been
effectively deprived of his right to vote.
[35] Similarly, the second
applicant might be acquitted of the charges against her or else be released on
bail before 2 June 1999.
She could then go to the polling station but would not
be able to vote because her name would not be on the voters’ roll.
Like
the first applicant she too will have been disenfranchised, not by legislation
but by logistics.
Conclusion
[36] General registration for
voters closed on 15 March 1999.
3
[4]
I therefore conclude that prisoners, including the two applicants, are
effectively being denied their constitutionally protected
right to register and
vote, and that the applicants are entitled to the remedy they sought. In the
light of this conclusion it is
not necessary to deal with the interesting
argument advanced by the amicus.
[37] I now turn to the question of
the appropriate remedy.
3
[5]
It
follows from the foregoing that all prisoners, other than those expressly
excluded by the 1998 Electoral Act, were entitled to
register on the national
common voters' roll. That they were not allowed to do so has the consequence
that the Commission is now
obliged to make arrangements for them to do so.
However, the applicants only sought relief in this regard in respect of those
prisoners
who were in prison during the periods of national registration for the
common voters’ roll between November 1998 and March
1999 and therefore
could not register at all. It is appropriate to limit the relief to those
persons who were incarcerated during
all the periods of registration and thereby
effectively prevented from registering. Prisoners who were not incarcerated for
all
the periods of registration will have had the opportunity to register in the
ordinary way. The order is accordingly tailored in
the manner suggested by the
applicants.
3
[6]
[38] It also
follows that prisoners, other than those expressly excluded by the 1998
Electoral Act, who have registered, either previously
or in consequence of the
order which follows, are entitled to vote in the coming general election. The
Commission must therefore
make the necessary arrangements to enable them to
vote.
[39] This Court does not have the information or expertise to enable
it to decide what those arrangements should be or how they should
be effected.
During the hearing of this matter, counsel for the Commission was invited to
indicate what arrangements for registration
and voting would best suit the
Commission in order to assist the Court in making a precise order. The
Commission did not provide
the information. The determination of what
arrangements should be made remains a matter pre-eminently for the Commission.
It is
important that there should be certainty as to what these arrangements
will be. In the light of the fact that this Court is not
in a position in the
circumstances of the present case to give specific direction as to what is to be
done, it is appropriate that
the Commission be required to indicate how it will
comply with the order that has been made. To that end the Commission is
required
to furnish an affidavit setting out the manner in which the order will
be complied with, and to serve a copy of that affidavit on
the attorneys for the
applicants and the third and fourth respondents. A copy should be lodged with
the Registrar of this Court
which will then form part of the public record of
this case. Any member of the public may inspect the affidavit once it has been
lodged with the Registrar. In the light of the urgency of the matter, and the
timetable for the election set out by the
Commission,
3
[7]
a period of two
weeks has been afforded to the Commission for the preparation of this
affidavit.
[40] In making the order that follows I am mindful of the fact
that the Commission requested the Court to provide an interpretation
of the
words “ordinarily resident”. That guidance, so far as it is
appropriate, has been given in paragraphs 27 and
28 above. In its letter to the
applicants, the Commission undertook to do everything within its capacity to
enable prisoners to
register and to vote if the Court's decision was to that
effect. The Commission has the power in terms of section 14(2) of the 1998
Electoral Act to prescribe cut-off dates for registration. It will, in order to
comply with the terms of this order, need to make
arrangements for a special
period of registration of prisoners. The fourth respondent too has at all times
manifested its willingness
to cooperate in the process of enabling prisoners to
register and vote. I have no doubt that practical solutions will be found for
what are essentially practical problems.
[41] The applicants were obliged by
the position adopted by the first respondent to approach both the High Court and
this Court for
the relief to which they are entitled, and there is no reason in
the circumstances of this case why costs in both courts should not
follow the
result, and first respondent be ordered to pay them.
[42]
The
Order
1. The application for leave to appeal to this Court is granted and the appeal
is allowed in the terms set out below.
2. The order made by Els J in the High Court is set aside and replaced with the
order made in 3 below.
3.1 It is declared that all persons who were prisoners during each and every
period of registration between November 1998 and March
1999, and who are not
excluded from voting by the provisions of
section 8(2)
of the
Electoral Act 73
of 1998
, are entitled to register as voters on the national common voters'
rolls;
3.2 It is declared that all persons who are prisoners on the date of the general
election are entitled to vote in that election
if they have registered to vote
in terms of prayer 3.1 above or otherwise;
3.3 The respondents are to make all reasonable arrangements necessary to enable
the applicants and other prisoners referred to in
paragraph 3.1 above to
register as voters on the national common voters' roll;
3.4 The respondents are to make all reasonable arrangements necessary to enable
the applicants and other prisoners referred to in
paragraph 3.2 above to vote at
the forthcoming general election;
3.5 The first respondent is required, on or before Friday 16 April 1999, to
serve on the applicants and the third and fourth respondents,
and lodge with the
Registrar of this Court, an affidavit setting out the manner in which it will
comply with paragraph 3.3 and 3.4
of this order. Any interested person may
inspect this affidavit at the registrar’s office once it has been
lodged;
3.6 The first respondent is ordered to pay the applicants' costs, such costs to
include those occasioned by the employment of two
counsel.
4. The first respondent is ordered to pay the costs of the appeal to this
Court, including the costs of the application for a certificate,
such costs to
include those occasioned by the employment of two
counsel.
Chaskalson P, Langa DP, Ackermann J, Goldstone J, Madala
J, Mokgoro J, O'Regan J and Yacoob J concur in the judgment of Sachs J.
For the Applicants: G J Marcus SC and J Kentridge instructed by the Legal
Resources Centre.
For the Applicants: N J Motata and L G Nkosi-Thomas instructed by Maponya
Incorporated.
[1]
The Electoral Commission is
established under chapter 9 of the 1996 Constitution.
[2]
Constitution of the Republic of
South Africa, Act 200 of 1993.
[3]
Section 6(c); see also section
21(2).
[4]
Act 202 of
1993.
[5]
Section 16 of the
Electoral Act 202 of 1993, reads as follows:
“Persons not entitled to vote.
- Notwithstanding the provisions of
section 15, no person shall be entitled to vote in the election if that person
is-
(a) subject to an order of court declaring him or her to be of unsound mind or
mentally disordered or affected;
(b) detained as a mentally ill patient under the Mental Health Act, 1973 (Act
No. 18 of 1973), or any other applicable law of the
Republic, as the case may
be;
(c) detained under the Prevention and Treatment of Drug Dependency Act, 1992
(Act No. 20 of 1992), or any other applicable law
of the Republic, as the case
may be; or
(d) detained in a prison after being convicted and sentenced without the option
of a fine in respect of any of the following offences
irrespective of any other
sentence in respect of any offence not mentioned hereunder which is served
concurrently with the first-mentioned
sentence:
(i) Murder, robbery with
aggravating circumstances and rape; or
(ii) any attempt to commit any offence referred to in subparagraph
(i).”
[6]
Section 76(1).
[7]
Section 1(d) of the 1996
Constitution.
[8]
Section
19(3)(a).
[9]
Section 36(1)
provides:
“The rights in the
Bill of Rights may be limited only in terms of
law of general application to the extent that the limitation is reasonable and
justifiable
in an open and democratic society based on human dignity, equality
and freedom . .
.”
1
[0]
Act
73 of 1998.
[1]
1
As early as 22 September
1998, the LRC had sent a letter to the chief electoral officer asking the
Commission whether prisoners would
be allowed to participate in the 1999
elections and to supply reasons for any such decision. The Commission responded
in a letter,
dated 5 October 1998, which described the constitutionally
prescribed functions and mandate of the Commission, its duties and functions
under the
Electoral Commission Act, 51 of 1996
, but failed to address the issue
of what (if any) arrangements were being made to allow prisoners to apply for
registration and to
vote. It was not until 8 December 1998, that the chief
electoral officer responded to the LRC’s request by unequivocally stating
in the letter that the Commission had made no arrangements to allow prisoners to
vote in the forthcoming elections.
1
[2]
The Centre for Applied Legal
Studies (CALS) is a legal research and advocacy centre located at the University
of the Witwatersrand
in Johannesburg. It conducts research and engages in
litigation, training and advocacy for the promotion of human rights and
democracy
in South Africa. CALS was granted leave by the Court to appear as an
amicus curiae on behalf of the Penal Advocacy Network (PAN).
As its name
suggests, PAN is a network of organisations committed to penal reform and
prisoner support. Included amongst its members
are Lawyers for Human Rights,
the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, the Human Rights
Committee and the National
Institute for the Prevention of Crime and
Rehabilitation of Offenders (NICRO).
1
[3]
See
Harksen v Lane NO and
Others
[1997] ZACC 12
;
1997 (11) BCLR 1489
;
1998 (1) SA 300
(CC) at para 51 and 52.
1
[4]
See para 5 above.
1
[5]
Section 190(1)(a)
and
(b).
1
[6]
Section 181(2).
1
[7]
The
Electoral Commission Act
51 of 1996
.
1
[8]
This point has
been strongly emphasised in Canada. See
Haig v Canada
105 DLR
(4
th
) 577 (SCC) Cory J said at 613:
“All forms of democratic government are founded upon the right to vote.
Without that right, democracy cannot exist. The marking
of a ballot is the mark
of distinction of citizens of a democracy. It is a proud badge of freedom.
While the Charter guarantees
certain electoral rights, the right to vote is
generally granted and defined by statute. That statutory right is so
fundamental
that a broad and liberal interpretation must be given to it. Every
reasonable effort should be made to enfranchise citizens. Conversely,
every
care should be taken to guard against disenfranchisement.”
See too
Sauve v Canada (Attorney
General)
7 OR (3
rd
) 481 (CAO) per Arbour JA at 488:
“[I]ncarceration conditions should be made, as far as possible, compatible
with the fullest possible exercise of the right
to vote rather than advanced as
a reason to deny that right
altogether.”
1
[9]
See
Minister of Justice v Hofmeyr
[1993] ZASCA 40
;
1993 (3) SA 131
(A) at 139J - 140B citing
with approval the dissenting judgment of Corbett JA in
Goldberg and Others v
Minister of Prisons and Others
1979 (1) SA 14
(A) at 39 C - E. See too
Woods v Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs
1995 (1) SA
703
(ZSC) per Gubbay CJ at 705H:
“The view no longer holds firm in this [Zimbabwean] jurisdiction, and in
many others, that by reason of his crime a prisoner
sheds all basic rights at
the prison gates. Rather he retains all the rights of a free citizen save those
withdrawn from him by
law, expressly or by implication, or those inconsistent
with the legitimate penological objectives of the corrections
system.”
2
[0]
Above
n19.
2
[1]
At 141 C - D.
[2]
2
This was affirmed by
Chaskalson P in
S v Makwanyane and Another
[1995] ZACC 3
;
1995 (3) SA 391
;
1995 (6) BCLR
665
(CC) at paras 142 - 3.
2
[3]
[1974] USSC 11
;
414 US 524
(1973).
2
[4]
At 528.
2
[5]
At 530.
2
[6]
At 532 -3.
2
[7]
“ . . . [T]he word
‘residence’ is one which is capable or bearing more than one
meaning, and the construction to
place upon it in a particular statute must
depend upon the object and intention of the Act.”
Buck v Parker
1908 TS 1100
at 1104; “The expressions ‛resident' and
‛ordinarily resident' are not technical expressions which always bear
the
same meaning; they must be interpreted in the context in which they are
used.” Ramsbottom J in
Biro v Minister of the Interior
,
1957 (1)
SA 234
(T) at 239H.
2
[8]
See, for example,
Fox v
Stirk and another
[1970] 2 QB 463
(CA) at 472.
2
[9]
Above at para 21.
3
[0]
Many countries disqualify
all or some classes of sentenced prisoners from voting. In France, certain
crimes are identified which
carry automatic forfeiture of political rights; in
Greece, trial courts are permitted to order such forfeiture on a case by case
basis; in Germany, prisoners convicted of offences which target the integrity of
the German state or its democratic order forfeit
the right to vote. A more
common trend is to specify that the length of sentence being served shall
determine the forfeiture of
the right. In Sri Lanka it is 6 months, in Canada 2
years, in New Zealand 3 years, in Australia 5 years. In the United Kingdom
and
Japan all persons serving sentences are excluded, while in Denmark, Ireland,
Israel, Sweden and Switzerland, all prisoners can
vote.
3
[1]
Section 16 of the Electoral
Act No. 200 of 1993.
3
[2]
Section 6(c).
[3]
3
1952 (4) SA 769
(A) at 780
-1.
3
[4]
This was announced by the
Commission in terms of section 100 read with section 14 of the 1998 Electoral
Act in R 302 published in
Government Gazette
19831 dated 12 March
1999.
3
[5]
Section 38 of the 1996
Constitution provides:
“Anyone listed in this section has the right to approach a competent
court, alleging that a right in the Bill of Rights has
been infringed or
threatened, and the court may grant appropriate relief, including a declaration
of rights. .
.”
3
[6]
In
these proceedings no relief has been sought, nor is any granted, with regard to
persons who were not able to register, or who
will not be able to vote, by
reason of their detention in police cells. There may well have been no persons
who were detained in
police cells for the whole period of general registration
of voters. We have been given no information in that regard. We also
do not
know what practical problems there may be in enabling persons who may be
detained in police cells on 2 June 1999 to cast their
votes. It is for the
Commission, taking into account the right of all South Africans to register and
vote, to consider the position
of such people.
3
[7]
In R 302, see note 34
above.