In re: National Education Policy Bill No 83 of 1995 (CCT46/95) [1996] ZACC 3; 1996 (4) BCLR 518; 1996 (3) SA 289 (3 April 1996)

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Constitutional Law

Brief Summary

Constitutional Law — National Education Policy Bill — Constitutionality of provisions — Dispute referred to Constitutional Court regarding clauses of the National Education Policy Bill, No 83 of 1995 — Political parties challenged specific clauses on grounds of inconsistency with provincial autonomy and executive authority — Court found that the Bill's objectives were not inconsistent with the Constitution and that Parliament has the competence to legislate on education — The provisions of the Bill, as interpreted, do not infringe upon provincial powers, thus upholding the constitutionality of the Bill.

Comprehensive Summary

Summary of Judgment


1. Introduction


These proceedings arose from a referral to the Constitutional Court by the Speaker of the National Assembly, acting under sections 98(2)(d) and 98(9) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1993 (the Interim Constitution). The referral concerned a dispute about the constitutionality of certain provisions of the National Education Policy Bill No 83 of 1995 (the Bill), in the form in which it was submitted to the Court by the Speaker.


The objectors were members of three political parties represented at the hearing, namely the National Party, the Democratic Party, and the Inkatha Freedom Party, whose members had signed the petition that triggered the referral. The Minister of Education in the national government opposed the constitutional objections. In addition, the Minister of Education of the KwaZulu-Natal Province (the relevant member of the KwaZulu-Natal Executive Council responsible for education) participated as an amicus curiae, represented by the same counsel as the Inkatha Freedom Party.


The dispute concerned the allocation and protection of provincial powers in the field of education, a functional area in which the Interim Constitution provided for concurrent legislative competence between Parliament and provincial legislatures. The central subject-matter was whether the Bill, properly construed, authorised the national Minister to impose national education policy on provinces, to override provincial law, or to compel provinces to amend their legislation or implement national policy, thereby infringing provincial autonomy and executive authority.


2. Material Facts


The Bill’s stated objectives included the determination of national education policy by the national Minister in accordance with specified principles, the creation of consultative mechanisms before policy formulation and before introducing certain legislation, the publication and implementation of national education policy, and the monitoring and evaluation of education.


The court treated as common cause that the Bill created a framework for national policy-making and consultation within a constitutional structure that vested concurrent powers over education in Parliament and the provinces. It was also accepted in argument that the Bill’s general objectives—policy determination, consultation, publication, and monitoring—were not in themselves unconstitutional, unless implemented in a way that infringed provincial powers.


The material dispute concerned the meaning and effect of specific clauses. The challenged provisions were principally clause 3(3) (the “prevailing policy” notification mechanism), clauses 8(6) and 8(7) (remedial planning following monitoring reports), and the establishment and functions of consultative bodies in clauses 9 and 10 (the Council of Education Ministers and the Heads of Education Departments Committee). The objectors contended that, read together, these provisions compelled provinces to implement national policy, to align provincial law with national policy, and thereby enabled the national executive to impose policy on provincial administrations.


A significant factual premise underlying the objections was therefore disputed: whether the Bill in fact required provincial executives and administrations to comply with national policy, or whether it merely created cooperative and consultative structures without binding force. The court’s conclusion depended on resolving that interpretive dispute by construing the Bill in context.


The court also noted that amendments had apparently been made to the Bill after submission to the Court, but treated this as immaterial to its task because the Court’s jurisdiction extended only to the version referred by the Speaker; the later amendments were not before the Court.


3. Legal Issues


The central legal questions were whether the challenged provisions of the Bill were inconsistent with the Interim Constitution because they allegedly enabled the national Minister (or national structures created by the Bill) to do one or more of the following: override provincial education laws, compel provincial governments to implement national education policy, force provinces to amend their legislation or policy, or otherwise infringe provincial executive authority.


The dispute was primarily one of law and statutory interpretation, specifically the proper construction of the Bill within the constitutional framework for concurrent powers in education. The constitutional challenge depended on whether, on a correct reading, the Bill imposed binding obligations on provinces or merely established mechanisms for cooperation, consultation, information-sharing, and planning.


A related constitutional issue concerned the correct understanding of section 126 of the Interim Constitution: how conflicts between national and provincial legislation in concurrent fields were to be handled, and whether the possibility of national “paramountcy” in certain circumstances was itself a basis for declaring a Bill unconstitutional.


4. Court’s Reasoning


The court began by locating the Bill within the constitutional scheme governing legislative powers. It emphasised that Parliament, under section 37, had a general power to make laws for the Republic, while provincial legislatures derived their competence from section 126(1) (Schedule 6 functional areas) and section 126(2) (incidental powers). Education was a Schedule 6 matter, but provincial competence in respect of it was concurrent, not exclusive, because section 126(2A) confirmed Parliament’s competence (subject to specified conflict-resolution provisions).


The court then clarified the constitutional mechanics for resolving conflicts between national and provincial laws. Under section 126(5), national and provincial provisions should, where possible, be construed consistently. If conflict remained, section 126(3) and (4) determined which law would prevail, depending on whether the national law met criteria in section 126(3)(a) to (e). Importantly, the court distinguished inconsistency between laws (resolved by “prevailing” rules, leaving the subordinated law in force but inoperative to the extent of conflict) from inconsistency with the Constitution (which results in invalidity under section 4, to be declared by the Court under section 98(5)). On this reasoning, even if national legislation might in some circumstances prevail over provincial legislation, that possibility did not itself establish unconstitutionality.


The court rejected the approach advanced in written submissions for the Inkatha Freedom Party and the KwaZulu-Natal amicus suggesting that KwaZulu-Natal’s ability to regulate education internally precluded the application of national measures, treating that argument as resting on an incorrect premise that provinces have exclusive rights in concurrent fields when they are capable of regulating them. The court held that the constitutionality of the Bill did not depend on applying section 126(3), because the referral was concerned with whether the Bill itself exceeded constitutional limits.


Turning to the objectors’ reliance on United States federalism jurisprudence, particularly New York v United States, the court accepted that such cases addressed whether Congress could compel states to implement federal regulatory schemes, but cautioned that United States state sovereignty under the Tenth Amendment was structurally different from South Africa’s provincial system. South African provinces were not sovereign entities; they were created by the Constitution and possessed only enumerated powers. The court therefore treated United States cases on state rights as an unreliable guide for interpreting provincial powers under the Interim Constitution.


The decisive part of the reasoning was the court’s interpretation of the Bill in context. It considered clause 3(1), which required national policy to be determined in accordance with the Constitution, and clause 3(2), which expressly directed the Minister to take into account section 126 and relevant provincial education laws. This was treated as a strong indicator that national policy was not intended to contradict provincial law except where Parliament could lawfully legislate so that national law would prevail under section 126. The court also relied on clause 6, which contemplated that legislation might be necessary and required consultation before such legislation could be introduced, reinforcing the view that binding outcomes would require further parliamentary action, not mere ministerial policy-making under the Bill.


On clause 3(3), the court held that the requirement that the Minister inform provincial political heads of education when the Minister wished national policy to prevail over provincial law did not itself create a power to compel provinces. It was construed as notification of a wish and as laying the groundwork for consultation, rather than as an enforceable override mechanism. Any attempt to secure implementation of policy against a province’s preferences would, on the court’s reasoning, depend on further steps, including possibly legislation enacted through Parliament in a constitutionally compliant manner.


On clauses 8(6) and 8(7), the court accepted that the language (“require” and “shall be prepared”) was peremptory in form, but concluded that the provisions did not impose an obligation on a province to implement any remedial plan. They were treated as requiring the formulation of a plan in response to reports indicating non-compliance with constitutional standards or declared national policy, thereby allowing the province an opportunity to propose remedial measures. The court considered that requiring participation in cooperative processes, the provision of information, and the preparation of plans reasonably required by the Minister in a concurrent field was not inherently unconstitutional, because concurrent competences can practically be exercised only through cooperation.


The court addressed arguments that coercion might be achieved through mandamus or financial pressure, but treated those possibilities as not determinative of the Bill’s constitutionality. It reasoned that improper use of incentives or coercive measures could be challenged under the Constitution or the principle that a power conferred for a specific purpose may not be used for an ulterior purpose, but those were not issues requiring decision in the referral. The court nonetheless identified the core question as whether Parliament could require a provincial political head to cause a plan to be prepared to address standards issues, and answered that, in the context of cooperative governance in concurrent fields, such requirements were compatible with the constitutional scheme.


Regarding clauses 9 and 10, the court held that the Council of Education Ministers and the Heads of Education Departments Committee were consultative fora for exchanging information, coordinating action, and developing national policy proposals. Their decisions were not binding, and participation did not legally oblige provinces to adopt national policy. The court also concluded that these structures did not interfere with provincial executive authority under section 144, which it characterised as authority to administer provincial laws; the Bill did not remove or diminish that authority but facilitated cooperation. The court further held that there was no compulsion in the Bill forcing provincial participation beyond the political consequence that non-participation might leave a province’s concerns unrepresented in policy formation.


Finally, the court dealt with the form of order sought by some parties. It held that, under the referral jurisdiction, it could decide only whether the Bill was unconstitutional; it could not issue the broader declaratory relief requested (such as a declaration that the Minister lacked power to compel implementation), because the Bill was not yet a law and section 7(4)(a) declarations of rights were not applicable in this context.


5. Outcome and Relief


The court held that the National Education Policy Bill submitted by the Speaker was not unconstitutional on any of the grounds advanced on behalf of the petitioners. The constitutional objections were rejected because the Bill, properly construed, did not authorise the Minister to compel provinces to implement national education policy, to amend provincial laws, or to override provincial legislation by policy instrument alone.


No order as to costs was made against the objectors. Although the Minister’s counsel referred to unnecessary documentation filed by the National Party, the court considered that any additional costs were not material and declined to make a special costs order.


The court also declined to provide guidelines to Parliament concerning the timing or procedure for referrals under sections 98(2)(d) and 98(9), treating such matters as within Parliament’s control.


Cases Cited


In re: National Education Policy Bill No 83 of 1995 (CCT46/95) [1996] ZACC 3; 1996 (4) BCLR 518; 1996 (3) SA 289 (3 April 1996).


Premier of KwaZulu-Natal and Others v President of the Republic of South Africa 1995 (12) BCLR 1561 (CC).


The Executive Council of the Western Cape Legislature and Others v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others 1995 (10) BCLR 1289 (CC).


New York v United States 505 U.S. 144 (1992).


Butler v Attorney-General (Vict.) [1961] HCA 32; (1961) 106 C.L.R. 268.


Western Australia v The Commonwealth [1995] HCA 47; (1994-1995) 183 CLR 373.


The King v The Governor of the State of South Australia (1907) 4 C.L.R. 1497.


Regina v Employment Secretary, Ex parte Equal Opportunities Commission [1993] 1 W.L.R. 872 (Court of Appeal).


Van Eck NO and van Rensburg NO v Etna Stores 1947 (2) SA 984 (A).


Legislation Cited


Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1993 (including sections 4, 7(4)(a), 37, 98(2)(d), 98(5), 98(9), 126, 144, 163 to 173, 198 to 206, and 247, and Schedule 6).


National Education Policy Bill No 83 of 1995.


National Policy for General Education Affairs Act, 1984.


Rules of Court Cited


Rule 13(5) of the Rules of the Constitutional Court.


Held


The Constitutional Court held that the impugned provisions of the National Education Policy Bill, read in context, did not impose legally enforceable obligations on provinces to adopt or implement national education policy, nor did they empower the national Minister to override provincial education laws by policy instrument. The Bill was held to be constitutionally permissible as legislation facilitating consultation, cooperation, monitoring, and planning within an area of concurrent legislative competence, and was therefore not unconstitutional on the grounds advanced by the petitioners.


LEGAL PRINCIPLES


The constitutional allocation of legislative powers in concurrent fields requires close attention to the distinction between constitutional invalidity and inter-legislative inconsistency. Where national and provincial legislation are each constitutionally valid but conflict, the Interim Constitution’s conflict rules determine which provisions prevail, without necessarily rendering the subordinated provisions invalid; the subordinated law remains in force but is inoperative to the extent of the inconsistency.


In construing legislation said to infringe provincial powers, the interpretive exercise must be undertaken contextually, with regard to the Bill as a whole and the constitutional structure within which it operates. Provisions that create consultative mechanisms, require the sharing of information, or facilitate cooperative planning in an area of concurrent competence are not, without more, unconstitutional merely because they are directed toward harmonisation or coordination.


Where legislative competence is concurrent, it is constitutionally permissible for Parliament to enact measures premised on cooperative governance, including requirements that provincial administrations participate in cooperative structures and perform steps (such as preparing plans) that are reasonably required for coordinated policy development and constitutional compliance, provided such measures do not purport to impose binding substantive policy outcomes on provinces absent constitutionally authorised national legislation.


Comparative constitutional materials, particularly from systems founded on materially different premises of state sovereignty, are not determinative. The scope of provincial powers must be derived from the language, history, and structure of South Africa’s Constitution, under which provinces are not sovereign and possess only powers conferred by the Constitution.


Under the Court’s referral jurisdiction in relation to a Bill, the Court’s role is confined to deciding the Bill’s constitutionality on the grounds advanced; it does not extend to issuing broader declaratory relief about future implementation beyond what is necessary to resolve the constitutional dispute before it.

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In re: National Education Policy Bill No 83 of 1995 (CCT46/95) [1996] ZACC 3; 1996 (4) BCLR 518; 1996 (3) SA 289 (3 April 1996)

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CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA
CASE NO CCT 46/95
DISPUTE CONCERNING THE
CONSTITUTIONALITY OF CERTAIN PROVISIONS OF THE NATIONAL EDUCATION POLICY BILL,
NO 83 OF 1995.
Heard on: 7 March 1996
DELIVERED ON: 3
April 1996
JUDGMENT
[1]
CHASKALSON P:
The Speaker of the National Assembly, acting in terms
of sections 98(2)(d) and 98(9) of the Constitution, has referred a dispute
concerning the constitutionality of certain provisions of the National Education
Policy Bill (B83-95) to this Court for its decision.
[2] At the hearing of the matter three political parties, the National Party,
the Democratic Party, and the Inkatha Freedom Party,
whose members had signed
the petition, were represented by counsel. Counsel for the Inkatha Freedom
Party also represented the Minister
of Education of the KwaZulu-Natal Province,
who is the member of the KwaZulu-Natal Executive Council responsible for
education in
that province, and who had been admitted as an amicus.
The National Education Policy Bill
[3] The objectives of the Bill are set out in clause 2. They
are:
(a) the determination of national education policy by the Minister in accordance
with certain principles;
(b) the consultations to be undertaken prior to the determination of policy, and
the establishment of certain bodies for the purpose
of consultation;
(c) the publication and implementation of national education policy;
(d) the monitoring and evaluation of
education.
[4] The Minister referred to in the Bill, and to whom I will refer in this
judgment as the Minister, is the Minister of Education
in the national
government. Clause 3 of the Bill makes provision for the determination of
national education policy by the Minister.
Clause 3(1) requires the Minister to
do so in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and the other
provisions of the
Bill, and clause 3(2) directs him or her to take into account
the competence of the provincial legislatures in terms of section
126 of
the Constitution, and the relevant provisions of any provincial law relating to
education. Clause 3(4) obliges the
Minister to determine national policy
for:
the planning, provision, financing, staffing, co-ordination, management,
governance, programmes, monitoring, evaluation and well-being
of the education
system,
and contains sub-paragraphs identifying without derogating from the
generality of the section, specific matters for
which national policy
may be determined. Clause 4 sets out directive principles of national
education policy which
specify the goals to which such policy shall be
directed. Clause 5 makes provision for the consultation that must be held
before
policy is formulated and clause 6 provides for consultation that is
necessary before legislation is enacted. Clause 7 deals with
a requirement to
publish the policy instrument in which the national education policy will be set
out after it has been determined.
Clause 8 makes provision for the monitoring
and evaluation of education and clauses 9 to 13 for the establishment and
functioning
of various consultative bodies. Clause 14 amends the National
Policy for General Education Affairs Act, 1984, in respects that are
not the
subject of any objection.
The constitutional
challenge
[5] In their written arguments the members of the National Party challenged the
constitutionality of clauses 3(3), 3(4), 4 and 8
of the Bill; the members of the
Inkatha Freedom Party (supported by the amicus) challenged clause 3(3) read with
clauses 8(6) and
8(7) of the Bill; and the members of the Democratic Party
challenged clauses 3(3), 8(6), 8(7), 9(1)(c) and 10(1)(c) of the Bill.
An
objection in the petition that the provisions of section 247 of the Constitution
had not been complied with, was correctly not
persisted in. There was no
substance in the objection, as the Bill does not interfere with the "rights,
powers and functions" of
the bodies referred to in that section. The other
signatories to the petition did not submit argument to the Court in support of
their objections.
[6] Mr. Trengove who represented the Democratic Party was the first to argue.
Whilst accepting that it would be competent for Parliament
to enact legislation
establishing consultative structures and enabling the department of national
education to procure information
from the provincial education departments, he
contended that the provisions of the Bill read together went further than that:
they
would oblige members of provincial executive councils to promote policies
that might be inconsistent with provincial policy, require
them where necessary
to amend their laws to bring them into conformity with national policy, and in
effect would empower the Minister
to impose the national governments
policies on the provinces. It was argued that in so far as the Bill imposed
such obligations
on the provincial administrations, it would be inconsistent
with the Constitution. He acknowledged, however, that there was at least
some
uncertainty as to whether the Bill had such a meaning. In the written argument
on behalf of the Democratic Party it had been
said:
It is not clear that the disputed provisions oblige provincial governments to
implement and assist in the implementation of the minister's
national education
policy. We will submit that they do. If this court should however hold that
they do not and that provincial
governments are at liberty to ignore the
minister's national education policy, then the Democratic Party's constitutional
objections
would fall away.
This position was adhered to by Mr. Trengove at the hearing of the
matter.
[7] Mr. Puckrin who appeared on behalf of the National Party associated himself
with Mr. Trengove's arguments, but accepted that
the Bill was capable of a
narrower construction which would bring it within the Constitution. He sought a
declaration, consistent
with the narrower construction, that the Bill did not
empower the Minister to compel the provinces to implement national education
policy.
[8] Mr. Richings appeared on behalf of the Inkatha Freedom Party and the
Minister of Education for KwaZulu-Natal. In his written
argument it was
contended that if the "policy" referred to in the Bill:
was used in the sense of a mere wish or expectation on the part of the National
Minister it would be unobjectionable, but the term
as used appears to go beyond
this as it is given a sanction in the form of enforcement mechanisms.
It was further contended that the Bill could have no application to
KwaZulu-Natal because it was in a position to formulate and regulate
its own
policies and the imposition of a national policy would encroach upon its
autonomy. At the hearing Mr. Richings also associated
himself with Mr.
Trengove's argument. He too contended that the Bill imposed national education
policy on the provinces but accepted
that if it was capable of a narrower
construction the objection on these grounds would fall away. He also contended
that the Bill
encroached upon the autonomy of the provinces and their executive
authority.
The provisions of the Bill to which objection
was taken
[9] The specific provisions of the Bill to which objection was taken in argument
were clauses 3(3), 8(6) and (7), and 9 and 10.
[10] Clause 3(3) of the Bill provides that:
Whenever the Minister wishes a particular national policy to prevail over the
whole or a part of any provincial law on education,
the Minister shall inform
the provincial political heads of education accordingly, and make a specific
declaration in the policy
instrument to that
effect.
This has to be read with clause 8 which deals with the monitoring and evaluation
of education. Clause 8(5) requires the Department
of Education to report on
investigations undertaken by it, and clauses 8(6) and (7) go on to
provide:
(6) If a report prepared in terms of subsection (5) indicates that the standards
of education provision, delivery and performance
in a province do not comply
with the Constitution or with the policy determined in terms of section 3(3),
the Minister shall inform
the provincial political head of education concerned
and require the submission within 90 days of a plan to remedy the situation.
(7) A plan required by the Minister in terms of subsection (6) shall be prepared
by the provincial education department concerned
in consultation with the
Department [of Education], and the Minister shall table the plan in Parliament
with his or her comments
within 21 days of receipt, if Parliament is then in
ordinary session, or, if Parliament is not in ordinary session, within 21 days
after the commencement of the first ensuing ordinary session of Parliament.
The provincial political head of education is defined as meaning the member of
the [provincial] Executive Council responsible for
education in a province.
[11] Clauses 9 and 10 establish a Council of Education Ministers and a committee
called the Heads of Education Departments Committee.
The Council consists of the
Minister of Education and the Deputy Minister, if such an office is established,
and the provincial political
heads of education. The functions of the Council
are to share information and views on education, to co-ordinate action on
matters
of mutual interest to the provinces and the national government, and
to:
promote a national education policy which takes full account of the policies of
the government, the principles [of national education
policy] contained in
clause 4 [of the Bill], the education interests and needs of the provinces, and
the respective competence of
Parliament and the provincial legislatures in terms
of section 126 of the Constitution.
[1]
The Heads of Education Departments Committee consists of senior officials of
the national and provincial education departments,
and has functions similar to
those of the Council of Education Ministers.
[12] None of the objectives of the bill is inconsistent with the Constitution.
Parliament has the competence to make laws in respect
of education, and the
determination of policy is clearly necessary for this purpose. There can be no
objection to providing that
consultation shall take place prior to the
formulation of policy. This serves to restrict rather than to increase the
Minister's
powers. And if regard is had to our history of disrupted education
and to the present constitutional structure which vests concurrent
powers to
make laws for education in Parliament and the provinces, consultation with
educational bodies, including provincial education
departments, is essential for
the proper exercise of the power to make policy. The publication and
implementation of national education
policy and the monitoring and evaluation of
education are also not open to objection, unless they are done in a way which
infringes
the powers of the provinces. This was accepted by all counsel in
argument, and the constitutional challenge was limited to a contention
that the
Bill authorised the Minister to implement policy in a way that infringed the
powers of the provinces, and to that extent,
was inconsistent with the
Constitution.
The powers of Parliament and the provincial
legislatures
[13] In terms of section 37 of the Constitution Parliament has the power to make
laws for the Republic. It is a general plenary
power and is not confined to
specific functional areas. The legislative competence of the provincial
legislatures is different.
It is derived from section 126(1) of the
Constitution which empowers them to make laws with regard to all matters set
out in schedule
6 to the Constitution. This must be read with Section 126(2)
which provides that they can also make laws which are reasonably necessary
for
or incidental to the exercise of such legislative competence. Education is a
schedule 6 functional area in respect of which the
provinces have legislative
competence. This is not, however, the exclusive domain of the provinces, but one
which they exercise concurrently
with Parliament. This is made clear by section
126(2A) of the Constitution which provides:
Parliament shall be competent, subject to subsections (3) and (4), to make laws
with regard to matters referred to in subsections
(1) and (2).
[14] Section 126 of the Constitution does not restrict this power; what it does
is to provide in subclauses (3) and (4) how a conflict
or potential conflict
that may exist between an Act of Parliament and provincial legislation is to be
resolved.
[2]
[15] Section 126(5) of the Constitution requires that if it is possible to do so
an Act of Parliament and a provincial law should
be construed as being
consistent with each other. If, or to the extent that, this cannot be done,
then the provisions of sections
126(3) and (4) determine which of the
conflicting provisions is to prevail. The solution provided is as follows. To
the extent that
the criteria specified in subsections (a) to (e) of section
126(3) are met the provisions of an Act of Parliament that is of general
application will prevail; if, or to the extent that, such criteria are not met
the provisions of the provincial law will prevail.
[16] The legislative competences of the provinces and Parliament to make laws in
respect of schedule 6 matters do not depend upon
section 126(3). Section 126(3)
comes into operation only if it is necessary to have resort to it in order to
resolve a conflict.
If the conflict is resolved in favour of either the
provincial or the national law the other is not invalidated; it is subordinated
and to the extent of the conflict rendered inoperative. There is an important
difference in this regard between laws that are inconsistent
with each other and
laws that are inconsistent with the Constitution. Section 4 provides that a law
inconsistent with the Constitution
is "of no force and effect", and in terms of
section 98(5) such law has to be declared by this Court to be invalid to the
extent
of the inconsistency. Section 126(3), which deals with laws that are
consistent with the Constitution but inconsistent with each
other, does not
stipulate that either law will be invalid as a result of the inconsistency; only
that the provisions of one of the
laws shall prevail over the
other.
[3]
[17]
Hogg
,
[4]
discusses the
difference between inconsistency and invalidity in Chapter 16. He concludes
that:
Once it has been determined that a federal law is inconsistent with a provincial
law, the doctrine of federal paramountcy stipulates
that the provincial law must
yield to the federal law. The most usual and most accurate way of describing the
effect on the provincial
law is to say that it is rendered inoperative to the
extent of the inconsistency. Notice that the paramountcy doctrine applies only
to the extent of the inconsistency. The doctrine will not affect the operation
of those parts of the provincial law which are not
inconsistent with the federal
law, unless of course the inconsistent parts are inseparably linked with the
consistent parts. There
is also a temporal limitation on the paramountcy
doctrine. It will affect the operation of the provincial law only so long as the
inconsistent federal law is in force. If the federal law is repealed, the
provincial law will automatically "revive" (come back
into operation) without
any reenactment by the provincial
Legislature.
[5]
[18] A similar conclusion has been reached by the High Court of Australia in
respect of conflicts between state laws and laws of
the Commonwealth Parliament.
Section 109 of the Australian Constitution provides that a state law that is
inconsistent with a Commonwealth
law shall to the extent of such inconsistency
be "
invalid
". The High Court has held that section 109 does not
nullify the inconsistent provisions of the state law; it simply renders them
"inoperative and ineffective" as if they had been suspended. They would revive
and be of full force and effect if the Commonwealth
law were to be repealed, or
amended in a manner that removed the
inconsistency.
[6]
[19] This reflects in my view the way in which our Constitution requires
inconsistencies that cannot be resolved by the application
of the provisions of
section 126(5) to be dealt with. Neither Parliament nor a provincial
legislature has the competence to invalidate
laws of the other passed in
accordance with the Constitution; nor does the Constitution lay down that a
consequence of inconsistency
will be the invalidity of one of the laws. It
follows that a law that is subordinated by virtue of the application of section
126(3)
is not nullified; it remains in force and has to be implemented to the
extent that it is not inconsistent with the law that prevails.
If the
inconsistency falls away the law would then have to be implemented in all
respects.
[20] Thus, even if the National Education Policy Bill deals with matters in
respect of which provincial laws would have paramountcy,
it could not for that
reason alone be declared to be unconstitutional. This disposes of the argument
put forward in the written submissions
made on behalf of the Inkatha Freedom
Party and the Minister of Education for KwaZulu-Natal that "none of the
so-called 'overrides'
set out in section 126(3) of the Constitution ... can be
held to apply to the Province of KwaZulu-Natal" because it is capable of
regulating any matter relating to education within the province. The argument
seems to be premised on a construction of section
126 as meaning that as long as
a province is capable of regulating a schedule 6 matter it has the exclusive
right to do so. But that
is not what the section says. The application of
section 126(3)(a) to (e) to resolve conflicts between Acts of Parliament and
provincial
legislatures may give rise to difficult questions; none of them
arise, however, in the present matter for the simple reason that
the
constitutionality of the Bill does not depend upon an application of the
provisions of section 126(3).
The argument
[21] In support of the challenge to the constitutionality of the Bill on the
grounds that it obliges provinces to adhere to national
education policy, Mr.
Trengove placed considerable reliance on the majority judgment of the United
States Supreme Court in
New York v United
States
.
[7]
This case was
concerned with a 1985 congressional statute which dealt with the disposal of
radioactive waste. The statute was enacted
after negotiations involving the
affected states. At that time there were three regional disposal facilities and
in terms of earlier
legislation those facilities would have been entitled as
from the beginning of 1986 to exclude waste from non-members. The 1985 statute
extended the period during which the existing three sites would accept waste
from non-members until 1992, and dealt with the obligations
of states after the
expiry of that deadline. The legislative scheme was as follows. Each state was
made responsible for disposing
of waste generated within its territory either
by itself or in co-operation with other states. States were authorised to enter
into
compacts for the establishment of regional disposal facilities, and three
sets of incentives were offered to states to encourage
them to comply with their
obligations under the statute. One set consisted of monetary incentives; one set
authorised states with
disposal sites to gradually increase the cost of access
to their sites and ultimately to deny access to waste generated in the states
which did not meet federal deadlines. The third set required a state which had
not made arrangements for the disposal of waste either
to regulate the disposal
of the waste in accordance with the instruction of Congress, or, if required to
do so by the generator or
owner of the waste, to assume ownership, possession
and ultimately responsibility for the waste and any damage caused by it. The
validity of the legislation making provision for the incentives was disputed on
the grounds that it interfered with state rights.
The Court was divided. The
majority judgment in the
New York
case is based in the main on the
importance of the states' powers under the Tenth Amendment. They concluded
that:
while Congress has substantial power under the Constitution to encourage the
States to provide for the disposal of the radioactive
waste generated within
their borders, the Constitution does not confer upon Congress the ability simply
to compel the States to do
so.
[8]
In the result it was held that the first two incentives were within the
Constitution, but the third was not. As the provisions relating
to the third
incentive could be severed from the rest of the statute, the Act containing only
the two incentives remained operative
and served:
Congress objective of encouraging the States to attain local or regional
self-sufficiency in the disposal of low level radioactive
waste.
[9]
The minority took a different view, holding that:
principles of federalism have not insulated States from mandates by the National
Government
and that the Courts have upheld "congressional statutes that impose clear
directives on state officials."
[10]
Stevens J, concurring in the dissenting judgment, said that:
[t]he notion that Congress does not have the power to issue a simple
command to state governments to implement legislation
enacted by
Congress ... is incorrect and
unsound.
[11]
[22] It was pointed out in
Executive Council of the Western Cape Legislature
and Others v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others
[12]
that the powers of Parliament
depend ultimately upon "the language of the Constitution, construed in the light
of [our] own history."
Our history is different to the history of the United
States of America, and the language of our Constitution differs materially
from
the language of the United States Constitution. The history and structure of the
United States Constitution are discussed in
the judgment of O'Connor J in the
New York
case.
[13]
The
Constitution addressed a situation in which several sovereign states were
brought together in a federation. The constitutional
scheme agreed upon was that
each state would surrender part of its sovereignty to the federal government and
retain that part which
had not been surrendered. This is reflected in the
language of the Constitution. Congress has only those powers specifically vested
in it by the Constitution. All other power is vested in the
states.
[14]
Congress can make laws
which encroach upon state sovereignty through the supremacy
clause,
[15]
commerce
clause,
[16]
the spending
power
[17]
and the power to make all
laws which may be necessary and proper for the implementation of its
powers,
[18]
but cannot otherwise
interfere with the rights vested in the states under the Tenth Amendment.
[23] Unlike their counterparts in the United States of America, the provinces in
South Africa are not sovereign states. They were
created by the Constitution
and have only those powers that are specifically conferred on them under the
Constitution. Their legislative
power is confined to schedule 6 matters and
even then it is a power that is exercised concurrently with Parliament.
Decisions of
the courts of the United States dealing with state rights are not a
safe guide as to how our courts should address problems that
may arise in
relation to the rights of provinces under our Constitution. And this is so
whether the issue arises under the provisions
of section 126 or any other
provision of the Constitution.
[24] Although the Bill establishes structures and procedures which are directed
to developing a national policy that will be adhered
to by all provinces, and
contains provisions which are calculated to persuade the provinces to do so, it
does not in my view go so
far as to require this to be done. In the
circumstances the argument that the Bill empowers the Minister to override
provincial law
or to compel the provinces to amend their laws must be rejected.
My reasons for rejecting this interpretation of the Bill are as
set out
below.
The interpretation of the Bill
[25] The provisions that are challenged must be seen in the context of the Bill
as a whole which addresses policy issues in a situation
in which Parliament
exercises concurrent legislative power with the provincial legislatures in
respect of schedule 6 matters.
[26] Clause 3(1) of the Bill provides that national education policy is to be
determined by the Minister in accordance with the Constitution
and the other
provisions of the Bill. Clause 3(2) of the Bill requires that in the
formulation of national education policy the
Minister shall take account of the
provisions of section 126 of the Constitution and the relevant provisions of any
provincial law
relating to education. This is a clear indication that national
education policy should not contradict provincial law, save where
it would be
permissible for Parliament to authorise this through legislation which in terms
of section 126 would prevail over provincial
law. Clause 6 contemplates that
such legislation may be necessary and provides that it may not be introduced
into Parliament without
prior consultation with the Council of Education
Ministers.
[27] The vesting of concurrent lawmaking powers in Parliament and the provincial
legislatures is an arrangement which calls for consultation
and co-operation
between the national executive and the provincial executives. The Commission on
Provincial Government
[19]
and the
Financial and Fiscal Commission,
[20]
which are important constitutional structures, contemplate that there will be
consultation between representatives of the provinces
and the national
government in regard,
inter alia
, to the allocation of funds and the
rationalisation of statutory enactments. The Bill, which makes provision for
such consultation
and co-operation in the field of education, is wholly
consistent with the constitutional scheme. Indeed, where both Parliament and
the provincial legislatures have exercised or wish to exercise schedule 6
competences such consultation and co-operation would appear
to be essential. It
is necessary to enable the national government to obtain the information it may
require to enable it to take
decisions in regard to educational matters falling
within the ambit of sections 126(3)(a) to (e) of the Constitution; it is
necessary
to avoid conflicting legislative provisions and to rationalise the
legislation applicable to schedule 6 matters; and it is necessary
to enable
provincial and national governments to formulate their plans, including
budgetary allocations, for the future. The setting
up of a parallel national
administration in a province to procure the information that the national
government needs, and to implement
legislation enacted pursuant thereto, would
be neither cost-effective nor efficient, and moreover, would be likely to be
more intrusive
of provincial structures than legislation which calls for
cooperation.
[28] One of the purposes of the Bill is to make provision for the development of
a national education policy which will accommodate
differences between the
national government and the provinces. Thus clause 9(3)(a) refers to a policy
that takes full account of
the policies of the government and the needs and
interests of the provinces, and the respective powers of Parliament and the
provincial
legislatures. In so far as the Bill makes provision for consultative
structures to be established for this purpose, or for the provision
of
information by provincial education departments to the national education
department, it does not in my view offend any of the
provisions of the
Constitution.
[29] Clause 3(3) of the Bill requires the Minister to give notice to the
relevant provincial political heads of education if he
wishes
national education policy to prevail over provincial law. Such notice does not
enable the Minister to require the provinces to act
in conformity with national
policy; it merely informs them that it is the Minister's
wish
that
they should do so, and lays the ground for the necessary consultation that must
take place with the Council. There is, no doubt,
an implication that the
Minister may take action to secure the implementation of national policy if the
expressed wish is not met,
but that would depend on further steps including if
necessary the enactment of legislation as contemplated by clause 6. The response
to the Minister's notice, or the consultation called for under clause 6, could
lead to the Minister changing tack, or to consensus
between the different
administrations as to how differences between them should be resolved.
[30] The provisions of clauses 8(6) and (7) of the Bill also give rise to no
obligation on the part of the provinces to adopt national
education policy in
preference to their own policy, or to amend their legislation to bring it into
conformity with national policy.
The provincial political head of education can
be called upon to prepare a plan to bring standards of education in his or her
province
into line with what may be required by the Constitution or national
policy, if a report has been made under clause 8(5) that such
standards are not
being met. There is, however, no obligation imposed on the province by the Bill
to implement that plan if it chooses
not to do so. That obligation could
possibly be imposed by other legislation which passes the test of sections
126(3) and (4), but
the Bill itself makes no specific provision for that to be
done. It contemplates that such legislation may be enacted, but only
after
consultation has taken place in terms of clause 6.
[31] Nothing in the Bill imposes an obligation on the provinces to act in
conformity with national education policy. That may possibly
be achieved by
Parliament through the passing of legislation which prevails over provincial law
in terms of section 126(3). Whether
such laws will or will not be enacted
depends on Parliament; and if enacted, whether they will prevail over any
provincial laws that
are inconsistent with them, is a matter that should only be
determined if and when such laws are passed. I shall assume for the purposes
of
this judgment that such laws, if enacted in an appropriate form, could be made
to prevail over provincial laws in terms of section
126 of the Constitution and
that it is implicit in the Bill that the Minister might call upon Parliament to
take such action if the
co-operation of a particular province is not secured. It
is, however, not necessary for the purposes of the decision in the present
matter to express a definite opinion as to whether or not Parliament has that
power; all that is necessary for present purposes is
to say that such an
obligation would depend on action by Parliament, and is not imposed by the
provisions of clauses 3(3), 8(6) or
(7), or any other provision of the
Bill.
[32] The opportunity to participate in the Council and Committee and to be heard
on adverse reports was not objected to. The objection
was to being required to
formulate a remedial plan, or to promote national policy. The word "require"
which is used in clause 8(6)
has a peremptory connotation, and this is also true
of clause 8(7) which provides that the remedial plan:
shall be prepared by the provincial education department concerned in
consultation with the [national] Department.
[33] It was suggested in argument that the cooperation of a provincial political
head of education who wishes to ignore a request
made for the submission of a
remedial plan, could be secured through a mandamus, or through a threat to
withhold financial support
for the province's education system, or through some
other coercive action. It is by no means clear that a political obligation such
as that contemplated by clause 8(6) could be made the subject of a mandamus,
particularly if the province is not willing to implement
the
plan;
[21]
nor is it clear that the
offering or withholding of financial incentives (if otherwise lawful) would be
open to objection. If the
financial incentives or other action taken to persuade
the provinces to agree to national policy are not legitimate they can be
challenged
under the Constitution or under the well established principle that a
power given for a specific purpose may not be misused in order
to secure an
ulterior purpose;
[22]
if they are
legitimate, then they are not open to
objection.
[23]
These are not,
however, issues that need trouble us in this case. It can be assumed that
provincial administrations will act in accordance
with a law which is consistent
with the Constitution. If a law requires a provincial administration to act in
a particular manner
and that requirement is not constitutional, the law cannot
be saved from constitutional challenge simply because there may be inadequate
forensic mechanisms under the Constitution for its enforcement. It is therefore
necessary to confront and answer the question: can
an Act of Parliament require
a provincial political head of education to cause a plan to be prepared as to
how national standards
can best be implemented in the province?
[34] Where two legislatures have concurrent powers to make laws in respect of
the same functional areas, the only reasonable way
in which these powers can be
implemented is through cooperation. And this applies as much to policy as to
any other matter. It cannot
therefore be said to be contrary to the Constitution
for Parliament to enact legislation that is premised on the assumption that
the
necessary cooperation will be offered, and which requires a provincial
administration to participate in cooperative structures
and to provide
information or formulate plans that are reasonably required by the Minister and
are relevant to finding the best solution
to an impasse that has arisen.
[35] Clauses 8(6) and (7) of the Bill contemplate a situation in which a
provincial political head of education may be called upon
to secure the
formulation of a plan to bring education standards in the province into line
with the Constitution or with national
standards. All education policy,
national or provincial, must conform with the Constitution. If national
standards have been formulated
and lawfully made applicable to the provinces in
accordance with the Constitution, those must also be complied with. The effect
of clauses 8(6) and (7) is therefore to give the province concerned an
opportunity of addressing the alleged shortfall in standards
itself, and of
suggesting the remedial action that should be undertaken. And this is so even
if the national standards have been
formulated, but have not yet been made the
subject of legislation. The alternative would be for the government to act
unilaterally
and to take decisions without allowing the province this
opportunity.
[36] It was also argued that the Bill interferes with the executive authority of
the provincial political heads of education in that
clauses 9 and 10 require
them and their administrations to participate in structures in which they may
not wish to participate and
to promote a policy that they may not wish to
promote. Clauses 9 and 10 establish the Council of Education Ministers and the
Committee
of Heads of Education Departments. These are fora for the discussion
of mutual problems and for the development of national policy
along lines that
would be acceptable to the national government and the provinces. The decisions
of these bodies are not binding
on the provinces or the national government, and
any participant is free to distance his or her government from such decisions.
The fact that the functions of these bodies include the development and
promotion of a national education policy, does not give rise
to any obligation
on the part of a provincial administration to approve of or adopt such a policy.
Provinces are free to develop
and implement their own education policies. If
they do so in a way that conflicts with national education policy, and that
conflict
is in respect of matters falling within the purview of section
126(3)(a) to (e) of the Constitution, the provinces concerned may
possibly be
required by the Minister to amend their policies. But, in the absence of
agreement or legislation lawfully enacted by
Parliament that requires them to do
so, they have no obligation to comply with any demand that might be made by the
Minister, the
Council or the Committee for them to implement national
policy.
[37] The executive authority vested in the provinces by section 144 of the
Constitution is to administer their own laws. Clauses
9 and 10 do not interfere
with this authority in any way. What they do is to establish bodies for the
purpose of formulating mutual
policies, co-ordinating action on matters of
mutual interest, and exchanging information. There is no compulsion on the
provincial
political heads of education or the officials of their departments to
participate in the affairs of the Council or the Committee.
The Bill gives them
the right to do so; but if they choose not to, the only sanction is that
national education policy and other
plans that may be relevant to them, may be
formulated without any input from them and without their particular concerns
being adequately
taken into account. Neither the Council nor the Committee can
require a province to change its laws or to implement national policy;
nor can
they require the provincial political head of education or members of the
provincial education department to refrain from
implementing provincial laws or
policies. The most that they can do is to give advice or make recommendations
which may or may not
be followed by the provinces.
[38] There are no provisions of the Bill that oblige the provinces to follow
national education policy, or that empower the Minister
to require them to adopt
national policy or to amend their own legislation. The objection founded on the
assumption that this is
what the Bill meant is based on an incorrect assumption
and cannot be sustained. The Bill calls for cooperation between the provinces
and national government and responses by the provinces to requests directed to
them in terms of the Bill; Parliament is entitled
to make provision for such
cooperation and coordination of activities in respect of schedule 6 matters, and
the objection to such
provisions on the grounds that they encroach upon the
executive competence of the provinces can also not be sustained.
The order to be made
[39] We were informed during the hearing that certain amendments, said not to be
material to the disputed issues, had been effected
to the Bill after it had been
submitted to this Court by the Speaker. We are concerned only with the Bill in
the form in which it
was submitted to us by the Speaker. The amendments were not
the subject of the petition and this Court has no jurisdiction to deal
with
them.
[40] The National Party submitted that this Court should make an order declaring
that the Bill is not unconstitutional, and that
it does not empower the Minister
to compel the provinces to implement the policy set out in clause 3 of the Bill.
The Democratic
Party asked for a similar order in the event of it being held
that the Bill did not empower the Minister to compel the provinces
to implement
national policy. The only question referred to this Court is whether the Bill is
unconstitutional. The provisions of
section 7(4)(a) of the Constitution
authorising this Court to make declarations of rights applies to infringements
of Chapter Three
and not to the Court's jurisdiction under section 98(2)(d).
The Bill is not a law; it creates no rights and cannot be made the subject
of a
declaration of rights. All that this Court is empowered to do is to resolve the
dispute as to the constitutionality of the Bill.
In the circumstances the only
order that can properly be made is that the provisions of the National Education
Policy Bill submitted
to this Court by the Speaker are not inconsistent with the
Constitution on any of the grounds advanced on behalf of the
petitioners.
Costs
[41] In cases where the objection which is the basis for a sections 98(2) and
(9) petition has no merit or is shown to have been
taken precipitately, this
Court has the power under rule 13(5) to order the objectors to pay the costs
occasioned by their objection.
[42] Counsel for the Minister did not ask for an order of costs to be made in
the present case against the parties who raised the
constitutional objection.
He did, however, contend that unnecessary documentation had been placed before
us by the National Party
and that it should be directed to bear the costs
occasioned as a result of the lodging of such documentation. The hearing was
concluded
in one day. The documents referred to were not canvassed in the
written arguments and were barely mentioned during the oral argument.
Although
the documents referred to proved to be largely irrelevant, the additional costs
incurred by the Minister as a result of
this would not have been of any moment.
In the circumstances it would not be appropriate to make a special order
concerning the costs
of such documents.
The
referral
[43] We were asked by counsel for the Minister to lay down guidelines for the
referral of issues to this Court under sections 98(2)(d)
and (9) of the
Constitution. It was submitted that it would have been more appropriate for
this matter to have been referred to
the Court after the debate on its
provisions had been completed. It appeared at the hearing that the
constitutional objection was
taken largely because of a mistaken assumption that
the Bill was intended to, and in fact compelled the provinces, to comply with
the Minister's determination of national education policy. Such an intention and
construction of the Bill was disavowed in the written
argument lodged on behalf
of the Minister. It was pointed out by counsel for the Minister that the fears
of the objectors may have
been allayed, and uncertainties could possibly have
been resolved, if they had been raised during the debate. Had this happened a
petition may not have been lodged with the Speaker.
[44] It would no doubt have been better in the circumstances of this case if the
objectors had raised the constitutional issue during
the debate and deferred
lodging the petition with the Speaker until after the government's attitude to
the disputed clauses had been
clarified. If this procedure had been followed
the disputed issues might have been resolved within Parliament. Parliament
controls
its own proceedings and there may be good reasons for the procedure
whereby the petition was lodged at the commencement of the debate.
The
procedure to be followed in such matters is within the domain of Parliament and
in my view it would not be appropriate for this
Court to make any suggestions to
Parliament in that regard.
[45] The following order is made: The National Education Policy Bill submitted
to this Court by the Speaker of Parliament in terms
of sections 98(2)(d) and (9)
of the Constitution on the 13th September 1995 is not unconstitutional on any of
the grounds advanced
on behalf of the petitioners.
A.
Chaskalson
President Constitutional Court
Mahomed DP, Ackermann J,
Didcott J, Kentridge AJ, Kriegler J, Langa J, Madala J, Mokgoro J,
ORegan J, and Sachs J concur in
the judgment of Chaskalson
P.
CASE NO: CCT 46/95
COUNSEL FOR THE
PETITIONERS:
FOR THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY: W TRENGOVE SC
D DAVIS
D UNTERHALTER
INSTRUCTED BY: EDWARD NATAHAN & FRIEDLAND INC
FOR THE NATIONAL PARTY: C.E. PUCKRIN SC
J.P. VORSTER
INSTRUCTED BY: DYASON ATTORNEYS
FOR THE INKATHA FREEDOM
PARTY:
AND THE
AMICUS CURIAE
: F.G. RICHINGS SC
INSTRUCTED BY: FRIEDMAN & FALCONER
COUNSEL FOR THE MINISTER: J.J. GAUNTLETT SC
G.J. MARCUS
INSTRUCTED BY: THE STATE ATTORNEY
PRETORIA
[1]
Clause
9(3)(a)
[2]
Premier of
KwaZulu-Natal and Others v President of the Republic of South Africa
1995
(12) BCLR 1561(CC)
at para 25;
The Executive Council of the Western Cape
Legislature and Others v President of the Republic of South Africa and
Others
1995 (10) BCLR 1289(CC)
at para 90.
[3]
Although section 126(3) refers
to circumstances where a provincial law prevails over an Act of Parliament, it
is clear from the provisions
of section 126(5) that the section applies to
provisions that are inconsistent and not the entire law.
[4]
Hogg PW,
Constitutional Law
of Canada,
3 ed (Supp 1992).
[5]
Id
. at para 16.6
(footnotes omitted).
[6]
Butler v Attorney-General
(Vict.)
[1961] HCA 32
;
(1961) 106 C.L.R. 268
, 286;
Western Australia v The
Commonwealth
[1995] HCA 47
;
(1994-1995) 183 CLR 373
, 464.
[7]
[1992] USSC 92
;
505 U.S. 144
(1992).
[8]
Id
. at 149.
[9]
Id
. at 187.
[10]
Id
. at 207, note
3.
[11]
Id
. at 211.
[12]
1995(10) BCLR 1289 (CC) at
para 61.
[13]
Ibid
. at 155-8 and
161-6.
[14]
U.S. Const. amend. X.
[15]
U.S. Const. art. VI, cl. 2.
[16]
U.S. Const. art. I, section 8
cl. 3.
[17]
U.S. Const. art. I, section 8
cl.1.
[18]
U.S. Const. art.I, section 8
cl.18.
[19]
As to which, see sections 163
to 173 of the
Constitution.
[20]
As to which,
see sections 198 to 206 of the Constitution.
[21]
The King v The Governor of
the State of South Australia
(1907) 4 C.L.R. 1497
, 1511;
Reg. v
Employment Secretary, Ex p. E.O.C.
[1993] 1 W.L.R.872
(C.A.)
, 877
E-F, 895H-896C; 907G-908G.
[22]
Van Eck
NO and van
Rensburg NO v Etna Stores
1947(2) SA 984 (A).
[23]
In the
New York
case
it was held that there was no constitutional objection to the use of financial
incentives by Congress to secure the co-operation
of the states in the
implementation of the plan for the disposal of the waste.