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[1995] ZACC 10
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Premier of Kwazulu-Natal and Others v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others (CCT36/95) [1995] ZACC 10; 1995 (12) BCLR 1561; 1996 (1) SA 769 (29 November 1995)
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IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA
CASE NO. CCT
36/95
In the matter between:
THE PREMIER OF
KWAZULU-NATAL FIRST APPLICANT
THE MEMBER OF THE EXECUTIVE
COUNCIL
FOR FINANCE, AUXILIARY SERVICES
AND PUBLIC WORKS
(KWAZULU-NATAL) SECOND APPLICANT
THE MEMBER OF THE EXECUTIVE
COUNCIL
FOR TRADITIONAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL
AFFAIRS
(KWAZULU-NATAL) THIRD APPLICANT
THE MEMBER OF THE EXECUTIVE
COUNCIL
FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND
HOUSING
(KWAZULU-NATAL) FOURTH APPLICANT
THE EXECUTIVE
COUNCIL OF THE
PROVINCE OF KWAZULU-NATAL FIFTH
APPLICANT
and
THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF
SOUTH AFRICA FIRST
RESPONDENT
THE GOVERNMENT OF
THE REPUBLIC
OF SOUTH AFRICA SECOND RESPONDENT
THE
MINISTER FOR PROVINCIAL AFFAIRS
AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT THIRD
RESPONDENT
HEARD ON: 15 November 1995
DELIVERED ON: 29
November 1995
JUDGMENT
[1]
MAHOMED DP.
The First Applicant, who is the Premier of
KwaZulu-Natal, seeks an order declaring unconstitutional various amendments to
the Constitution
of the Republic of South Africa, Act No. 200 of 1993
(“the Constitution”) which were purportedly effected by the
Constitution
of the Republic of South Africa Second Amendment Act, No. 44 of
1995 (“the 1995 Constitutional Amendment”). The First
Applicant is
supported in this attack by the remaining Applicants.
[2] This matter was initiated by way of an application for direct access to the
Constitutional Court in terms of rule 17 of the Rules
of the Court, read with
section 100(2) of the Constitution. The application for direct access was
granted.
[3] The provisions of the Constitution which it is claimed were invalidly
amended by the 1995 Constitutional Amendment are sections
149(10); 182; 184 and
245. Certain amendments to the Local Government Transition Act 209 of 1993
(“ the Transition Act”)
were also attacked, but these attacks were
abandoned in the course of oral argument on behalf of the Applicants. I propose
to deal
seriatim
with each of the attacks made on the amendments to the
Constitution.
Section 149(10)
[4] Prior to its amendment in terms of the 1995 Constitutional Amendment section
149(10) read as follows:
“There shall, subject to Section 207(2), be paid out of and as a charge on
the Provincial Revenue Fund of a province to the
Premier and to a member of an
Executive Council of such province such remuneration and allowances as may be
prescribed by or determined
under a law of the provincial
legislature.”
[5] After the purported amendment, this section reads as
follows:
“There shall, subject to Section 207(2), be paid out of and as a charge on
the Provincial Revenue Fund of a province to the
Premier and to a member of an
Executive Council of such province such remuneration and allowances as may be
determined by the President.”
[6] Section 207(2) of the Constitution was not amended and reads as
follows:
“ (2) The Commission shall make recommendations to Parliament, the
provincial legislatures and local governments regarding
the nature, extent and
conditions of the remuneration and allowances of the members of all elected
legislative bodies of the national
government and of provincial and local
governments, including members of the Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders
and the Council
of Traditional
Leaders.”
The Commission referred to in this section is the Commission on Remuneration of
Representatives to be established by an Act of Parliament
pursuant to section
207(1) of the Constitution.
[7] In the heads of argument of the Applicants it was submitted that the
purported amendment to section 149(10), sought to be effected
by the 1995
Constitutional Amendment, is in conflict with section 135(4) of the
Constitution, which provides that:
“ (4) There shall, subject to section 207(2), be paid out of and as a
charge on the Provincial Revenue Fund of a province to
a member of the
legislature of that province such
remuneration and allowances as may be
prescribed by or determined under a law of the provincial legislature.”
[8] Mr Gordon SC, who appeared for the Applicants (together with Mr Dickson SC),
wisely abandoned this ground of attack during his
oral argument before us. The
attack was clearly untenable because even if section 135(4) of the Constitution
was to be read as if
it was in conflict with section 149(10) (I doubt very much
that it was), an amendment to the Constitution in conflict with another
part of
the Constitution would simply have the effect of a
pro tanto
amendment or
repeal, by implication, of the earlier provision as long as the amendment was
adopted in compliance with the forms and
procedures prescribed by the
Constitution.
[1]
The same
considerations apply to the suggestion in the heads of argument of the
Applicants that the amendment to section 149(10)
was in conflict with section
155 of the Constitution and section 207(2) of the
Constitution.
[9] An attack was also made in the Applicants’ heads of argument on the
amendment to section 149(10) effected by the 1995 Constitutional
Amendment, on
the ground that the amendment “offends Constitutional Principle
XVIII(2)” contained in the fourth schedule
to the
Constitution.
[10] This ground of attack was not pressed by Mr Gordon in oral argument, but he
did not expressly abandon it.
[11] The relevant Constitutional Principle provides
that:
“The powers and functions of the provinces defined in the Constitution,
including the competence of a provincial legislature
to adopt a Constitution for
its province, shall not be substantially less than or substantially inferior to
those provided for in
this
Constitution.”
[12] The reliance on Constitutional Principle XVIII(2) appears to me to have
been misconceived. Constitutional Principle XVIII(2)
deals with a future
Constitution which must conform to the Constitutional Principles contained in
Schedule 4. It does not deal with
amendments to the present Constitution at
all. This is perfectly clear from the status and purposes of Schedule 4,
articulated in
section 71 of the
Constitution.
[2]
The makers of the
Constitution expressly applied their minds to what part of the Constitution
could be amended and what could
not
[3]
and what procedures had to be
followed
[4]
when the Constitution was
amended. It refrained from protecting section 149(10) from amendment or from
prescribing any special procedures
before that section could be
amended.
It therefore follows that the impugned amendment to section 149(10) cannot
successfully be attacked simply on the ground that it
“offends
Constitutional Principle XVIII(2)”. It is, for the purposes of this case,
unnecessary to decide whether a constitutional
amendment which has substantially
the effect of destroying or abrogating the very essentials upon which the
Constitutional Principles
are premised, would be constitutionally permissible
merely because the procedures prescribed by section 62 were followed. The
impugned
amendment to section 149(10) does not fall within such a category.
Indeed, the amendment to section 149(10) cannot even be said
to reduce the
powers and functions of the provinces in respects which make them
“substantially less” or “substantially
inferior”, nor
can it be said that the impugned amendment is by necessary implication excluded
by any other Constitutional
Principle.
[13] The main thrust of the attack on the purported amendment to section 149(10)
which counsel on behalf of the Applicants advanced
at the hearing of this matter
was that it was not competent without following the special procedures
prescribed by section 62(2)
of the Constitution. It was argued that the effect
of the amendment was to amend the legislative competence of a province to pay
to its Premier and to members of its Executive Council such remuneration and
allowances as were prescribed and determined under
a law of a provincial
legislature. The KwaZulu-Natal provincial legislature, we were reminded, had
indeed passed an Act called the
KwaZulu-Natal Legislature Remuneration Act No 2
of 1994 providing
inter alia
for the salaries and allowances to be paid
to the Premier and members of the Executive Council of the KwaZulu-Natal
province and
this Act had pre-dated the impugned amendment to section
149(10).
[14] Section 62 of the Constitution reads as
follows:
“
Bills amending Constitution
62.
(1) Subject to subsection (2) and section 74, a Bill amending
this Constitution shall, for its passing by Parliament, be required
to be
adopted at a joint sitting of the National Assembly and the Senate by a majority
of at least two-thirds of the total number
of members of both Houses.
(2) No amendment of sections 126 and 144 shall be of any force and effect unless
passed separately by both Houses by a majority of
at least two-thirds of all the
members in each house: Provided that the boundaries and legislative and
executive competences of a
province shall not be amended without the consent of
a relevant provincial
legislature.”
[15] It was common cause that the amendment to section 149(10) was passed at a
joint sitting of the National Assembly and the Senate
by a majority of at least
two-thirds of the total number of both Houses. It was also common cause that if
the procedures prescribed
by section 62(2) of the Constitution were indeed
applicable, they had not been followed. It was contended on behalf of the
Applicants
that this was incorrect. The procedures prescribed by section 62(2),
it was argued, should have been followed.
[16] The crucial issue which therefore needs to be determined is whether section
62(2) was applicable when the purported amendment
to section 149(10) of the
Constitution was passed.
[17] Counsel for the Applicants contended that what the amendment to section
149(10) was doing was indeed to amend the legislative
and executive competence
of a province and that it could not do so without the consent of the relevant
provincial legislature because
of the proviso to section 62(2) of the
Constitution. Since the amendment to section 149(10) does not amend sections
126 or 144,
the argument of Mr Gordon must be premised on the proposition that
the proviso to section 62(2) is an independent and substantive
impediment to the
powers of Parliament and it therefore needs to be complied with in all cases
where the legislative and executive
competence of a province is sought to be
amended. Mr Gauntlett SC, who appeared for the Respondent (together with Mr
Moerane SC
and Mr Heunis), disputed this premise. He argued that what the
proviso to section 62(2) seeks to achieve is a qualification to
the substantive
part of section 62(2). The substantive part of section 62(2), he submitted, is
limited to amendments to sections
126 and 144 only. Such amendments, he
contended, need to be passed separately by both Houses of Parliament by a
majority of at least
two-thirds of all the members in each House. The proviso,
he argued, therefore simply meant that where sections 126 or 144 are
amended by
an amendment to the boundaries of a province or the legislative or executive
competence of a province, the consent of
the relevant provincial legislature is
an additional requirement.
[18] In support of the submission that this is what a proviso to a substantive
provision means, counsel for the Respondents relied
on the case of
R v
Dibdin,
[5]
the judgments of this
Court in the case of
S v Mhlungu and
others
[6]
and the
Western Cape
Legislature
case.
[7]
Paragraph
32 of the report of the judgment in
Mhlungu’s
case states that
“a proviso qualifies the substantive part”. This was also the
reasoning of Fletcher Moulton LJ in the
case of
R v
Dibdin
[8]
, in which the learned
Judge stated that:
“The fallacy of the purported method of interpretation is not far to seek.
It sins against the fundamental rule of construction
that a proviso must be
considered with relation to the principal matter to which its stands as a
proviso. It treats it as if it
were an independent enacting clause instead of
being dependent on the main
enactment.”
[9]
[19] In the
Western Cape Legislature
case Chaskalson P, in considering
the submissions that Proclamations R58 and R59 of 1995 were inconsistent with
the proviso to section
62(2), stated that-
“Section 62(2) is a clause dealing with Constitutional Amendments and the
proviso must be read as qualifying the substantive
part of the clause and not as
an independent constitutional requirement applicable to any legislation dealing
with provincial powers
and
functions.”
[10]
[20] Mr Gordon countered the Respondents’ argument by pointing out that
the observation made by Chaskalson P in the
Western Cape Legislature
case, which I have quoted
[11]
, was
made in the context of an attack on certain Proclamations which, unlike the
present matter, did not involve an amendment to
the Constitution and that the
mind of the Court was not directed to the meaning of the proviso in the present
context. He correctly
contended that the ordinary rule pertaining to the
interpretation of a proviso to a substantive section, which is set out in
Dibdin’s
case,
[12]
is
not an invariable rule, and that the context and object of such a proviso in a
particular statute might justify giving to a particular
proviso the meaning of
an independent and substantive content. There is clear support for that
approach in the authorities.
“A proviso is usually enacted in order to qualify something contained in
the preceding enactment. But it does not necessarily
follow that they were
enacted solely for those purposes. Halsbury
Laws of England
3rd ed vol
35 para 604 says:
“The danger of construing a proviso, which is merely a limitation on the
enactment to which it is attached, as if it were a
general limitation extending
to other enactments or were itself a positive enactment, has often been pointed
out. The substance,
and not the form must, however, be looked at, and that
which is in form a proviso may in substance be a fresh enactment, adding to
and
not merely qualifying that which goes before
it”
Maxwell on
Interpretation of Statutes
12th ed at 190
says:
“If, however, the language of the proviso makes it plain that it was
intended to have an operation more extensive than that
of the provision which it
immediately follows, it must be given such wider
effect.”
See too Craies on
Statute Law
7th ed at
219.”
[13]
[21] Following on this approach, Mr Gordon referred to the fact that the proviso
to section 62(2) referred also to the “boundaries”
of the province
which could not be amended without the consent of a relevant provincial
legislature. He argued that since there
was no reference to the amendment of
boundaries in the substantive part of section 62(2), it could not be said that
the object of
the proviso was to qualify or limit something that was being
regulated by the substantive part and that the proviso should therefore
be
interpreted as an independent and substantive enactment. There is obvious
substance in this argument. The authorities which hold
that a proviso to an
enactment must ordinarily be interpreted so as to qualify the substantive part
of the enactment, do not deal
with a proviso which is
prima facie
capable
of extending the subject matter of the substantive part of such and
enactment.
[14]
[22] There are, however, formidable considerations which suggest a different
interpretation.What the substantive part of section
62(2) seeks to regulate are
amendments to sections 126 and 144 of the Constitution. These sections refer to
the legislative competence
and the executive authority of provinces. The
competence of a province to legislate in respect of a particular province must
necessarily
be affected if the boundaries of that province are amended and it is
this necessary relationship between the boundaries of a province
and its
legislative competence which the makers of the Constitution might have had in
mind in referring to “boundaries”
in the proviso to section 62(2).
The reference to “boundaries” in this context might arguably have
been made
ex abundante
cautela.
[15]
If the proviso to section 62(2) was intended as a substantive and independent
provision divorced from the substantive part of section
62(2), it is difficult
to appreciate why it was put in the form of a proviso to section 62(2) and why
nothing was said about whether
the uni-cameral requirement of section 62(1) or
the bi-cameral requirement of section 62(2) would apply in the circumstances
which
operated when the proviso became applicable as an independent
provision.
[23] It is in my view, however, unnecessary to decide whether Mr Gordon’s
interpretation of the meaning of the proviso to section
62(2) is correct, or
whether the proviso should be read as a qualification to the substantive part to
section 62(2). There is force
in both arguments, but even assuming in favour of
the Applicants that the proviso to section 62(2) bears the meaning contended for
by Mr Gordon, it does not seem to me to be of assistance to him unless the
amendment to section 149(10) by the 1995 Constitutional
Amendment can be said to
offend a condition contained in the proviso. What the proviso says is
that-
“... the boundaries and the legislative and executive
competences of
a
province
shall not be amended without the consent of a
relevant
provincial
legislature.”
(My underlining)
What is contemplated by the proviso is legislation which is targeted at one or
more provinces but not one which is of equal application
to
all
provinces. In order to be hit by the proviso, the purported amendment need
not necessarily diminish “the legislative and executive
competences of a
province.” It is equally effective against laws which might increase or
qualify such competences. But, what
is crucial is that if the law applies to
all
provinces, it is outside the proviso. This is my difficulty with the
reliance which Mr Gordon places on the proviso to section 62(2).
In its terms,
the impugned amendment to section 149(10) does not, and does not purport to,
target any particular province or provinces.
It is of equal application to all
the provinces. It therefore does not require the consent of the KwaZulu-Natal
provincial legislature
or any other provincial legislature. This removes the
basis for the only complaint in terms of section 62(2) made by Mr Gordon against
the enactment of the amendment to section 149(10). That complaint was simply
that the consent of the KwaZulu-Natal provincial legislature
was not obtained
for the amendment.
Section 182 of the Constitution
[24] Section 182 of the Constitution after its amendment in 1995 reads as
follows:
“
Traditional authorities and local
government
182.
The traditional leader of a community observing a system of
indigenous law and residing on land within the area of jurisdiction of
an
elected local government referred to in Chapter 10, shall
ex officio
be
entitled to be a member of that local government,
provided that he or she has
been identified in a manner and according to guidelines prescribed by the
President by proclamation in
the
Gazette
after consultation with the
Council of Traditional Leaders, if then in existence, or if not, with the Houses
of Traditional Leaders
which have been established,
and shall be eligible to
be elected to any office of such local
government.”
(The words underlined above were introduced by the 1995 Constitutional
Amendment.)
[25] It was contended in the Applicants’ heads of argument that
“the amendment offends the division of powers identified in Section 126 as
read with Schedule 6 of the Constitution in the
functional areas of local
government and traditional authorities both on a legislative and executive
level”.
This submission was also, wisely, not pressed in argument. It appears to assume
that section 126, read with Schedule 6 of the Constitution,
gives to a province
the exclusive legislative competence to deal with matters which fall within the
functional areas specified in
Schedule 6. This is a plainly incorrect
assumption. Section 126(1) (read with Schedule 6) does give to a provincial
legislature
the jurisdiction to make laws dealing,
inter alia
, with
indigenous law, customary law and local government. But it is made expressly
clear by section 126(2A) that Parliament also
has that power. There can
therefore be no objection
per se
to the fact that the amendment to
section 182 deals with matters in respect of which a provincial legislature also
has power to make
laws. (The problem of any conflict between laws of a
provincial legislature and Parliament is dealt with separately in section
126(3)).
[26] In the Applicants’ heads of argument it was also submitted that the
amendment “interfered” with the assignment
of the administration of
the KwaZulu Amakhosi and Iziphakanyiswa Act No. 9 of 1990 by the First
Respondent to a competent authority
designated by the First
Applicant.
[27] The amendment to section 182 of the Constitution does not appear to me to
constitute any “interference” with the
legislative or executive
competence of the provincial government in terms of sections 126 or 144. But
even if it did, this does
not constitute by itself a reason why the amendment to
section 182 should be declared unconstitutional. The mere fact that the
administration
of a particular Act has previously been assigned by the First
Respondent to an authority designated by the First Applicant does not
preclude
Parliament from making a law dealing with the manner in which traditional
leaders who are to be
ex officio
members of the local government, are to
be identified. This was eventually conceded in argument by Mr Dickson on behalf
of the Applicants.
In my view, even if a Parliamentary amendment impacts upon
the terms of such an assignment of the administration of an Act, the
real issue
is whether or not the amendment to section 182 constitutes also an amendment to
sections 126 or 144.
[28] The amendment to section 182 does not in any way purport to be an amendment
to sections 126 or 144. It is therefore a constitutional
amendment which does
not require compliance with section 62(2) at all. The procedure which is
prescribed, and which was in fact
followed, is the procedure set out in section
62(1). The attack must therefore fail.
[29] This analysis makes it irrelevant to consider whether or not the Act of
Parliament amending section 182 would not in any event
prevail over any relevant
legislation of the KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Assembly in terms of section 126(3),
but there is nevertheless
a very formidable argument in support of the
conclusion that the need for objective guidelines for the identification of
traditional
leaders falls within the terms of section 126(3)(b) of the
Constitution.
[30] Faced with these difficulties, Mr Gordon was again driven to rely on his
interpretation of section 62(2) and his submission
that the proviso to section
62(2) was an independent enactment which operated whenever there was to be a
constitutional amendment
and even in those cases where such an amendment did not
amend sections 126 or 144. I have already dealt with this argument. It
does
not help the Applicants’ case because the proviso is not of any
application where a particular province or provinces are
not targetted. The
impugned amendment to section 182 is an amendment to the Constitution which
applies to all provinces and not
to a particular province or
provinces.
Section 184(5) of the Constitution
[31] Prior to the 1995 Constitutional Amendment section 184(5) read as
follows::
“5(a) Any parliamentary Bill pertaining to traditional authorities,
indigenous law or the traditions and customs of traditional
communities or any
other matters having a bearing thereon, shall after having been passed by the
House in which it was introduced
but before it is passed by the other House, be
referred by the Secretary to Parliament to the Council for its
comments;
(b) The Council shall within thirty days as from the date of such referral,
indicate by written notification to the Secretary to
Parliament its support for
or opposition to the Bill together with any comments it wishes to
make;
(c) If the Council indicates in terms of paragraph (b) its opposition to the
Bill, the other House shall not pass the Bill before
a period of thirty days as
from the date of receipt by the said Secretary of such written notification has
lapsed;
(d) If the Council fails to indicate within the period prescribed by paragraph
(b) whether it supports or opposes the Bill, Parliament
may proceed with the
Bill.”
(The Council referred to in this section is the Council of Traditional Leaders
contemplated by section 184(1) of the Constitution.)
[32] After the 1995 Constitutional Amendment it takes the following
form:
“(a) Any Parliamentary Bill pertaining to traditional authorities,
indigenous law or the traditions and customs of traditional
communities or any
other matters having a bearing thereon, shall if it is passed by the House in
which it was introduced after the
Chairperson and members of the Council have
been elected and the Council has commenced its functions, and if the Council is
then
able to function, before it is passed by the other House, be referred by
the Secretary to Parliament to the Council for its
comments.
(aA) If the Council is not in existence by the 28th February 1996 any
parliamentary Bill referred to in paragraph (a) shall after
having been passed
by the House in which it was introduced but before it is passed by the other
House, be referred to those Houses
contemplated in Section 183 which have then
been established, and the further provisions of this sub-section shall then
mutatis mutandis
apply.”
[33] The first attack on the amendment to section 184(5) made in the
Applicants’ heads of argument is the same attack as that
which was made
on the amendment to section 182(2). It is substantially based on the premise
that an amendment to a Constitution
cannot validly be made if it is in conflict
with some section of the Constitution. It was correctly abandoned in
argument.
[34] The second attack made on section 184(5) is based on the argument that when
section 184(5) was sought to be amended, the Bill
providing for that amendment
did not comply with the procedural requirements of section 184(5), in its
unamended form, and more particularly,
that this Bill was not referred to the
Council of Traditional Leaders. Counsel for the Applicants submitted
that-
“ the amendment provides for the retrospective recognition of a bill,
which when passed, did not comply with the formal preconditions
to its validity
provided for by Section 184(5) and in this sense is
unconstitutional”
[35] In my view this attack on the amendment to section 184(5) is unsound.
Section 184(5) does provide for a Parliamentary Bill
(pertaining to Traditional
Authorities, indigenous law or the traditions and customs of Traditional
Authorities) to be referred to
the Council of Traditional Leaders, but such
Bills would simply constitute ordinary legislation and not a constitutional
amendment.
Section 184(5)(a) can competently be amended either expressly or by
implication without requiring any special procedures authorizing
its own
amendment or repeal. Like all amendments to the Constitution such an amendment
must of course comply with the procedures
prescribed by section 62(1), but the
attack on the amendment to section 184(5)(a) on this ground is not based on
section 62(1) of
the Constitution at all.
Section 184(5) is, however,
not a self-entrenching section. If it was, quite different considerations might
have perhaps
applied.
[16]
[36] I have given some thought to the suggestion made in the Applicants’
affidavits that the real objection to the amendment
to section 184(5) is that
it “provides for the retrospective recognition of a Bill”. It is
perfectly true that, in terms
of section 15 of the 1995 Constitutional
Amendment, the amendment to section 184(5) is deemed to come into operation on 1
May 1994.
In that sense it can be said to be retrospective because the
amendment itself was signed by the First Respondent on 20 September
1995. Mr
Dickson, who led the attack of the Applicants on this ground, was, however,
unable to advance any authority for the proposition
that no retrospective
constitutional amendment was competent. There is nothing in the Constitution
which precludes such a amendment
and I do not know of any principle on which
such a restriction on Parliament’s power of Constitutional Amendment can
properly
be based.
[37] The suggestion in the affidavit of the Applicant is that the purpose of the
impugned amendment is to validate another bill called
“the Remuneration of
Traditional Leaders Bill” which has been passed by both Houses of
Parliament but has not yet been
assented to by the President. Even if this
suggestion be correct, it is irrelevant to the constitutional attack made on the
amendment
to section 184(5). The suggestion might conceivably justify an attack
on the “Remuneration of Traditional Leaders Bill”
if, and when, it
is ever assented to by the President, but it can have no bearing on the
constitutionality of the amendment to section
184(5) effected by the 1995
Constitutional Amendment.
Sections 245(1) and (2) of the
Constitution
[38] There was an attack on behalf of the Applicants on the amendments to
sections 245(1) and (2) which were said to be “of
minor substance but ...
the principle is of vital importance.”
[39] Sections 245(1) and (2) in their unamended forms, read as
follows:
“
Transitional arrangements: Local
government
245.
(1) Until elections have been held in terms of the
Local
Government Transition Act, 1993
, local government shall not be restructured
otherwise than in accordance with that Act.
(2) Restructuring of local government which takes place as a result of
legislation enacted by a competent authority after the elections
referred to in
subsection (1) have been held, shall be effected in accordance with the
principles embodied in Chapter 10 and the
Constitution as a
whole.”
[40] By virtue of the amendment to these sections by the 1995 Constitutional
Amendment, these sections now read as follows:
“
Transitional arrangements: Local
government
245.
(1) Until 31 March 1996, local government shall not be restructured
otherwise than in accordance with the Local Government Transition
Act, 1993 (Act
no. 209 of 1993).
(2) Restructuring of local government which takes place as a result of
legislation enacted by a competent authority after 31 March
1996 shall be
effected in accordance with the principles embodied in Chapter 10 and the
Constitution as a whole.”
[41] Before the impugned amendment, section 245(1) had ensured that once
elections had been held in terms of the Transition Act,
local government could
be restructured otherwise than in accordance with the Transition Act. Such
restructuring outside the terms
of the Transition Act could, in terms of section
245(2) of the Constitution, take place in terms of laws enacted by “a
competent
authority” (which would include a provincial legislature), but
that could not be done before the local government elections
were held. The
effect of the amendment to sections 245(1) and (2) was to make it incompetent
for any such competent authority to
undertake any such restructuring until 31
March 1996, even if elections had been held earlier. For this reason it was
contended
that the result of the amendment to sections 245(1) and (2) was to
“interfere with a power which the KwaZulu-Natal legislature
had in terms
of section 126, read with Schedule 6". The conclusion which counsel for the
Applicants sought to draw from these submissions
was set out in counsel’s
heads of argument in the following terms:
“There has accordingly occurred an extension of national legislation
within the field of competence of the provincial legislatures
without fulfilment
of the conditions referred to in Section 126(3) of the
Constitution.”
[42] I have difficulty with the argument in this form. The need for national
legislation to regulate the conduct of the first local
government elections in
South Africa seems to me to be capable of falling within the terms of section
126(3)(b). Indeed, it is common
cause that some national legislation was
necessary to avoid the proviso to section 179(1) of the Constitution which
required that
local government elections had to take place on the same day
throughout the country. (In KwaZulu-Natal, and in parts of the Western
Cape it
was not possible to hold elections on the same day as the rest of the country
which held its elections on 1 November 1995.)
[43] What counsel for the Applicants was again driven to rely on was section
62(2). He suggested that the requirements of the proviso
to section 62(2) were
not complied with. I have considerable difficulties with such a suggestion. In
order to have any relevance,
the Applicants had to establish that the amendment
to section 245 constitutes an amendment to section 126 and that if it does, the
procedures prescribed by section 62(2) were not complied with. The first
problem is that the amendment to section 245 in no way
purports to amend section
126. A provincial legislature still has the legislative competence to make laws
for the province with
regard to the matters specified in Schedule 6. That
competence, articulated in section 126(1), is not amended by the amendment to
section 245. Nor is Schedule 6 amended. The provincial legislature continues
to have legislative competence with regard to such
matters as indigenous law,
customary law and local government. All that the amendment to section 245 does
is to provide a cut-off
date for the continued restructuring of local government
in terms of the Transition Act. Previously there was no such date. Indeed,
the
cut-off date was determined by the date of the elections which could have been
determined to be a date far beyond 31 March 1996.
[44] I also have considerable reservations about the assumption that an
amendment to section 245, which undoubtedly complies with
the
Constitution’s own procedures for the amendment of that section, must be
held to be invalid simply because the amendment
might have some indirect
consequence for the date from which a provincial legislature might effect
amendments to structures of local
government in its own area. There is nothing
in section 245 or 126 which supports any such suggestion. The makers of the
Constitution
expressly applied their minds to those provisions of the
Constitution which could not be amended at all. This was set out clearly
in
section 74(1). Similarly, when they wanted a special procedure to be followed
in the amendment of a specific section, they said
this clearly, in section 62(2)
and expressly stated in section 74 that any other amendments to Chapter 5 of the
Constitution had
to comply with the provisions of section 74(2). They therefore
deliberately refrained from making section 245 immune from any amendment
or
subjecting any such amendment to the special procedures prescribed by section
62(2).
[45] During the course of argument, counsel for the Applicants acknowledged that
elections in the province of KwaZulu-Natal were
scheduled to be held on 27 March
1996 and the effect of the impugned amendment to section 245 was therefore only
to delay by four
days the right of the provincial legislature of that province
to restructure local government otherwise than in terms of the Transition
Act.
He argued, however, that the competence of the amendment to the Transition Act
was nevertheless a matter involving an important
principle because if section
245 could be amended so as to delay this power of the provincial legislature for
three days, it could
also be delayed for ten years. Developing this argument,
counsel contended that amendments to the Constitution had to be made within
the
“spirit” of the Constitution.
[46] I have difficulty in appreciating how this “spirit” of the
Constitution is violated in the instant case. What section
245 of the
Constitution originally contemplated was that provincial legislatures would be
free to restructure local government otherwise
than in accordance with the
Transition Act, immediately after the elections which were to be simultaneously
held throughout the country.
When that was delayed in certain of the provinces
the date upon which the provincial legislatures could restructure local
government
there was similarly extended to approximately the date when such
elections would be completed and new local governments were properly
in
place.
[47] The reliance upon the “spirit” of the Constitution is, in my
view, misconceived. There is a procedure which is
prescribed for amendments to
the Constitution and this procedure has to be followed. If that is properly
done, the amendment is
constitutionally unassailable. It may perhaps be that a
purported amendment to the Constitution, following the formal procedures
prescribed by the Constitution, but radically and fundamentally restructuring
and re-organizing the fundamental premises of the Constitution,
might not
qualify as an “amendment” at all. That problem has engaged the
Indian Supreme Court for some
years
[17]
and it has been held that
the power of amendment of the Constitution, vested in the Legislature, could not
be employed-
“to the extent of destroying the basic features and structure of the
Constitution.”
[18]
As said by Chandrachud J in the
Raj Narain
case,
[19]
in dealing with the effect
of a previous judgment,-
“[The Constitution] did not confer power to amend the Constitution so as
to damage or destroy the essential elements or basic
features of the
Constitution... The power to amend did not include the power to abrogate the
Constitution... The word ‘amendment’
postulates that the old
Constitution must survive without loss of identity, ... the old Constitution
must accordingly be retained
though in the amended form, and therefore the power
of amendment does not include the power to destroy or abrogate the basic
structure
or framework of the
Constitution.”
[20]
[48] Pursuant to this approach the Indian Supreme Court has held,
inter
alia
, that the supremacy of the Constitution itself
[21]
, the rule of
law,
[22]
the principle of
equality,
[23]
the independence of
the judiciary
[24]
and judicial
review
[25]
are all basic features of
the Indian Constitution which cannot be so
“amended”.
[49] It is unnecessary to pursue this line of authorities. Even if there is
this kind of implied limitation to what can properly
be the subject matter of an
amendment to our Constitution, neither the impugned amendment to section 245 nor
any of the other amendments
to the Constitution placed in issue by the
Applicants in the present case can conceivably fall within this category of
amendments
so basic to the Constitution as effectively to abrogate or destroy
it.
[50] In the result, although the Applicants have succeeded in prayer 1 of their
notice of motion granting them direct access to this
court, the remaining
prayers contained in paragraphs 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 should be, and are,
dismissed.
Chaskalson P, Ackermann J, Didcott J,
Kentridge AJ, Kriegler J, Langa J, Madala J, Mokgoro J, O’Regan J and
Sachs J concur in
the judgment of Mahomed
DP.
Counsel
for the Applicants: DA Gordon SC
AJ Dickson SC
Instructed
by: Austen Smith
Counsel for the Respondents: JJ Gauntlett
SC
MTK Moerane SC
JC Heunis
Instructed by: The State Attorney,
Cape Town
[1]
Freeman v Union
Government
1926 TPD 638
at 651;
The Executive Council of the Western Cape
Legislature and Others v The President of the Republic of South Africa and
Others,
1995(10) BCLR 1289 (CC) at paragraph 58.
[2]
supra
n.1, at paragraphs
40 and 41.
[3]
Section 71.
[4]
Section 62.
[5]
(1910) P. 57
at 125.
[6]
[1995] ZACC 4
;
1995 (7) BCLR 793
(CC); 1995(3)
SA 867 (CC).
[7]
supra
n.1, at para.
49.
[8]
supra
n.5.
[9]
Followed in
Government of
the Republic of Namibia v Cultura
2000
1994(1) SA 407
(NmSC) at 417I-418A.
See also
Ex parte Parington
(1844) 6 QBD 649
at 653;
Re
Brocklbank
(1889) 23 QBD 461
;
Hill v East and West India Dock Company
(1884) 9 App.Cas 448.
[10]
supra
n 1. at para
49. In that case it was pointed out that section 62 dealt with constitutional
amendments and that the proviso to section
62(2) could not be relied on to
extend the scope of this provision to one which dealt with ordinary
legislation.
[11]
supra
n. 10.
[12]
supra
n. 5.
[13]
S v Rosenthal
1980
(1) 65 (A) at 81E-H;
S.A. Textile and Allied Workers Union v Skipper
International
1990(4) SA 842 (A) at 847;
Strydom v Die Land- en
Landboubank van S.A.
1972(1) SA 801 (A).
[14]
supra
, n. 13.
[15]
R v Abel
1948 (1) SA
654
(A) at 662;
Minister of Finance and Another v Law Society, Transvaal
[1991] ZASCA 88
;
1991 (4) SA 544
(A) at 557E-G;
C. Ltd. v The Commisioner of Taxes
1962
(1) SA 45
(S.R.) At 46G-H;
Maphosa v Wilke en Andere
1990 (3) SA 789
(T)
at 799A-C.
[16]
Western Cape Legislature
case, supra n.1., at para 58;
Collins v Minister of the Interior and
Another
1957 (1) SA 552
(A);
Mpangeli and Another v Botha and Others
(1)
1982 (3) SA 633
(C);
Mpangeli and Another v Botha and Others
(2)
1982
(3) SA 638
(C).
[17]
I.C. Golak Nath v
Punjab
(1967) 2 SCR 762
;
Kesavananda v The State of Kerala
(1973) SC
1461
;
Minerva Mills Ltd v The Union of India
(1980) SC 1789
;
Indira
Nehru Gandhi v Raj Narain
(1975) SC 2299.
[18]
Seervai,
Constitutional Law of India (3rd ed) page 2665, para 30.46 and page 2697, para
30.82;
Basu,
Shorter Constitution of India (10th ed) pages 1033, 1035 and
1036.
[19]
supra
n.17.
[20]
Raj Narains
case,
supra
n. 17, at 2461.
[21]
State of Rajasthan v The
Union of India
,
(1977) SC 1361
, paras 35 and 44.
[22]
Raj Narains
case,
supra
n.17, at 2369-2371.
[23]
Raj Narains
case,
supra
n.17, paras 680, 682.
[24]
Gupta v Union of
India
(1982) SC 149.
[25]
Kesavanadas
case,
supra
n. 17, at 1565, 1609, 1648, 1860.