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[2006] ZASCA 95
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South African National Defence Union v Minister of Defence and Others, Minister of Defence and Others v South African National Defence Union and Others (306/05, 4/05) [2006] ZASCA 95; 2007 (1) SA 402 (SCA); [2007] 3 All SA 493 (SCA); 2007 (4) BCLR 398 (SCA); [2006] 11 BLLR 1043 (SCA); (2006) 27 ILJ 2276 (SCA) (31 August 2006)
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REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA
THE SUPREME COURT OF APPEAL
OF
SOUTH AFRICA
REPORTABLE
IN THE MATTERS BETWEEN
Case Number : 306 / 05
SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE UNION APPELLANT
and
MINISTER OF DEFENCE FIRST RESPONDENT
THE
SECRETARY OF DEFENCE SECOND RESPONDENT
THE
CHIEF OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE THIRD RESPONDENT
MR P MOLOTO, THE ACTING CHAIRPERSON
OF THE MILITARY BARGAINING COUNCIL FOURTH RESPONDENT
AND
Case Number : 004/05
MINISTER OF DEFENCE FIRST APPELLANT
THE
SECRETARY OF DEFENCE SECOND APPELLANT
THE
CHIEF OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE THIRD APPELLANT
and
SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE UNION FIRST RESPONDENT
PIETER OERSON SECOND RESPONDENT
LESETJA
MACK MALEMELA THIRD RESPONDENT
Coram
: MPATI DP, CAMERON, NUGENT, CONRADIE
and JAFTA JJA
Date of hearing
: 8, 9 and 10 MAY 2006
Date of delivery
: 31 AUGUST 2006
SUMMARY
Military labour relations â
whether legally enforceable duty on South African National Defence
Force as employer to bargain collectively
with military trade union â
if such a duty whether the employer unfairly refused to bargain â
whether military trade union
entitled to interdict to prevent
restructuring of defence force pending decision by Military
Arbitration Board
Neutral citation: This
judgment may be referred to as:
Sandu & v Minister of
Defence & Others
[2006] SCA 90 (RSA)
_______________________________________________________________________________
J U D G M E N T
_______________________________________________________________________________
CONRADIE
JA
[1] SANDU
I, II and III
,
to adopt the way counsel referred
to them, are appeals in respect of separate applications for relief
brought before three different
judges in the Pretoria High Court. In
each case the parties were the South African National Defence Union
(SANDU), a military trade
union, and the Minister of Defence
representing the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) as well
as other persons who were
joined by virtue of their interest in the
subject matter of the application. In SANDU I the decision by Van der
Westhuizen J, reported
as
South African National Defence Union v
Minister of Defence and Others,
1
went against SANDU. It is the appellant in respect of that
application. The decisions in the other two applications, before Smit
J
2
and Bertelsman J, went in favour of SANDU. The SANDF is the appellant
in those matters. All appellants are before us by leave of
the courts
a quo.
[2] The appeals were not consolidated but were heard
together because of a dispute that is common to them all: whether
there is a
legally enforceable duty on the SANDF to engage in
collective bargaining with SANDU, a military trade union that was
recently permitted
to function as such by the decision of the
Constitutional Court in
South African National Defence Union v
Minister of Defence and Another.
3
A second issue in SANDU I is whether, assuming there to have been a
duty to bargain, the SANDF unfairly refused to bargain with
SANDU.
[3] In SANDU III interdicts were granted against the
continued implementation by the SANDF of a plan for the restructuring
of the
defence force on the footing that it had a duty to bargain
with SANDU and was not entitled to implement the plan until it had
done
so or at least until the Military Arbitration Board had
pronounced upon the matter. Apart from the appealability of the
orders, their
propriety in the circumstances is considered. In SANDU
II there are issues concerning the constitutional validity of
regulations
made in terms of the
Defence Act 42 of 2002
pursuant to
the Constitutional Court decision referred to. They are considered in
a judgment by my brother Nugent.
[4] In support of its contention that the SANDF is
legally obliged to engage in collective bargaining with it, SANDU
relies in the
first place on
s 23
of the Bill of Rights in the
Constitution, more particularly on ss (5):
'
LABOUR
RELATIONS
23 (1) Everyone has the right to fair labour practices.
(2) Every
worker has the right -
(a) to
form and join a trade union;
(b) to
participate in the activities and programmes of a trade union; and
(c) to
strike.
(3) Every
employer has the right -
(a) to
form and join an employers' organisation; and
(b) to
participate in the activities and programmes of an employersâ
organisation.
(4)
Every
trade union and every employers' organisation has the right -
(a) to
determine its own administration, programmes and activities;
(b) to
organise; and
(c) to
form and join a federation.
(5) Every trade union, employers' organisation and
employer has the right to engage in collective bargaining. National
legislation
may be enacted to regulate collective bargaining. To the
extent that the legislation may limit a right in this Chapter, the
limitation
must comply with section 36(1).'
[5] The expression 'right to engage in collective
bargaining' in ss (5) is open to more than one interpretation. It may
mean that
the contemplated national legislation to regulate
collective bargaining must provide for an employer or a union called
upon to bargain
to comply with the demand on pain of being ordered to
do so. On the other hand it may mean that the envisaged national
legislation
must provide the framework within which employers,
employers' organisations and employees may bargain; or it may mean no
more than
that no legislative or other governmental act may
effectively prohibit collective bargaining.
[6] Interpretive guidance to provisions of the Bill of
Rights is given in s 39. First and foremost, its provisions must be
interpreted
to promote the values that underlie an open and
democratic society based on human dignity, equality and freedom.
Having read a provision
in that light a court, tribunal or forum must
consider international law and may consider foreign law.
4
Section 233 of the Constitution dictates the form that a
consideration of international law must take:
â233
When interpreting any legislation, every court must prefer any
reasonable interpretation of the legislation that is consistent
with
international law over any alternative interpretation that is
inconsistent with international law.â
In
his contribution to the
Bill of Rights Compendium
edited by
Mokgoro and Tlakula, Andreas OâShea under the title â
International
Law and the Bill of Rights
â (page 7A-1) expresses the following
view:
5
âThe
international character of the norms in the Bill of Rights cannot be
over emphasised and in certain respects international
law will
inevitably have a greater impact on the interpretation of the Bill of
Rights that it will on ordinary legislation.â (page
7A-8)
Section
39(2) of the Constitution requires a court in interpreting any
legislation to promote the spirit, purport and objects of the
Bill of
Rights. That means that legislation regarding military labour rights
must be interpreted to reflect international labour
rights, norms and
values.
[7] There is much in international law that is helpful
in interpreting s 23(5) of the Constitution, starting with the
Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise
Convention, 1948
, a convention of the International Labour
Organisation, ratified by South Africa on 19 February 1996. I cite
only those articles
that appear to me to be relevant:
'Article
2
Workers
and employers, without distinction whatsoever, shall have the right
to establish and, subject only to the rules of the organisation
concerned, to join organisations of their own choosing without
previous authorisation.
Article 3
1 Workers' and employers' organisations shall have the right to draw
up their constitutions and rules, to elect their representatives
in
full freedom, to organise their administration and activities and to
formulate their programmes.
2 The
public authorities shall refrain from any interference which would
restrict this right or impede the lawful exercise thereof.
Article 5
Workers' and employers' organisations shall have the right to
establish and join federations and confederations and any such
organisation,
federation or confederation shall have the right to
affiliate with international organisations of workers and employers.
Article 8
1 In exercising the rights provided for in this Convention workers
and employers and their respective organisations, like other persons
or organised collectivities, shall respect the law of the land.
2 The law
of the land shall not be such as to impair, nor shall it be so
applied as to impair, the guarantees provided for in this
Convention.
Article 9
1 The extent to which the guarantees provided for in this convention
shall apply to the armed forces and the police shall be determined
by
national laws or regulations.
2 . . . .
. '
[8] In
South African National Defence Union v
Minister of Defence and Another
6
the Constitutional Court relied in part on the 1948
Convention for its conclusion that the expression 'worker' in the
Constitution
includes a member of the armed forces. Article 5 of the
1948 Convention exempts this category of worker from its provisions
7
with the result that national legislation might exclude workers of
this kind from the protection of the Convention without offending
against it. The Constitutional Court, in reviewing the historical
denial of labour rights for black workers, concluded that labour
rights were considered by the framers of the Constitution to be so
important that s 126B(1)
8
of the Defence Act 44 1957,
9
nevertheless had to be struck down. This meant that, leaving aside
possible restrictions on their exercise - the legitimacy of which
was, subject to compliance with s 36, recognized by the
Constitutional Court â military âworkersâ were now, as far as
organizational
rights went, in the same position as workers in the
civilian sector.
[9] The International Labour Organisation convention on
the right to organise was supplemented a year later by
The Right
to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention 1949
. The text
of articles 3, 4 and 5 is important:
'
Article 3
Machinery appropriate to national conditions shall be established,
where necessary, for the purpose of ensuring respect for the right
to
organise as defined in the preceding Articles.
Article 4
Measures appropriate to national conditions shall be taken, where
necessary, to encourage and promote the full development and
utilisation
of machinery for voluntary negotiation between employers
or employers' organisations and workers' organisations, with a view
to the
regulation of terms and conditions of employment by means of
collective agreements.
Article 5
1. The extent to which the guarantees provided for in this Convention
shall apply to the armed forces and the police shall be determined
by
national laws or regulations.
2..
. . . . .'
[10] A distinct preference for voluntarism, for a system
that functions without reliance on a legally enforceable right to
bargain,
emerges from these provisions, one that is reinforced by the
Collective Bargaining Convention, 1981
. The relevant articles
of the 1981 Convention are 1, 2 5 and 6:
'Article 1
1. This Convention applies to all branches of economic activity.
2. The
extent to which the guarantees provided for in this Convention apply
to the armed forces and the police may be determined by
national laws
or regulations or national practice.
3. As
regards the public service, special modalities of application of this
Convention may be fixed by national laws or regulations
or national
practice.
Article
2
For the purpose of this Convention the term
collective bargaining
extends to all negotiations which take place between an employer,
a group of employers or one or more employers' organisations, on
the
one hand, and one or more workers' organisations, on the other, for--
(a) determining
working conditions and terms of employment; and/or
(b) regulating
relations between employers and workers; and/or
(c) regulating relations between employers or their organisations
and a workers' organisation or workers' organisations.
Article 5
1. Measures adapted to national conditions shall be taken to promote
collective bargaining.
2. The
aims of the measures referred to in paragraph 1 of this Article shall
be the following:
(a) collective bargaining should be made possible for all employers
and all groups of workers in the branches of activity covered
by
this Convention;
(b) collective
bargaining should be progressively extended to all matters covered by
subparagraphs (a), (b) and (c) of Article 2
of this Convention;
(c) the
establishment of rules of procedure agreed between employers' and
workers' organisations should be encouraged;
(d) collective
bargaining should not be hampered by the absence of rules governing
the procedure to be used or by the inadequacy
or inappropriateness
of such rules;
(e) bodies
and procedures for the settlement of labour disputes should be so
conceived as to contribute to the promotion of collective
bargaining.
Article 6
The
provisions of this Convention do not preclude the operation of
industrial relations systems in which collective bargaining takes
place within the framework of conciliation and/or arbitration
machinery or institutions, in which machinery or institutions the
parties
to the collective bargaining process voluntarily
participate.'
[11] The voluntarist approach that emerges from these
international instruments has characterized our labour dispensation
since its
liberalization with the amendments to the Industrial
Relations Act 1956 when, following upon the recommendations of the
Wiehahn Commission,
all workers were in 1979 permitted to organise
and to strike. Voluntarism does not mean that employers and employees
necessarily
negotiate voluntarily. Often they negotiate in order to
avert the economic pressures brought about by a strike or a lock-out.
This
pressure is one of the principal driving forces behind the
voluntarist system.
10
[12] The Constitutional Court highlighted the role of
industrial action in the first certification judgment,
In re
Certification of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa
1996 (4) SA 744
(CC), in the following passage:
'
It
is correct that collective bargaining implies a right on the part of
those who engage in collective bargaining to exercise economic
power
against their adversaries. However CP [Constitutional Principle]
XXVIII does not require that the NT [New Text] expressly recognise
any particular mechanism for the exercise of economic power on behalf
of workers or employers: it suffices that the right to bargain
collectively is specifically protected. Once a right to bargain
collectively is recognised, implicit within it will be the right
to
exercise some economic power against partners in collective
bargaining. The nature and extent of that right need not be
determined
now.'
[13] In
Minister of Health and Another NO v New
Clicks South Africa (Pty) Ltd and Others
11
at para 391 the Chief Justice discusses the propriety of having
regard to the legislative history of an enactment that does not
reveal
its meaning sufficiently clearly. He refers to his own
decision in
S v Makwanyane
[1995] ZACC 3
;
1995 (3) SA 391
(CC) and after
commenting that, while it is not clear whether the majority of the
court concurred in the finding, at least none dissented
from it, he
expresses his continued adherence to the conclusion that 'where the
background material is clear, is not in dispute,
and is relevant to
showing why particular provisions were or were not included in the
Constitution, it can be taken into account
by a Court in interpreting
the Constitution.'
[14] An important part of the Constitution's legislative
history is the interim Constitution of 1994 which entrenched labour
rights
in s 27:-
'27 (1) Every
person shall have the right to fair labour practices;
(2) Workers shall have the right to form and join trade unions, and
employers
shall
have the right to form and join employers' organizations.
(3) Workers
and employers shall have the right to organise and bargain
collectively.
(4) Workers
shall have the right to strike for the purpose of collective
bargaining.
(5) Employers'
recourse to the lock-out for the purpose of collective bargaining
shall not be impaired, subject to section 33(1).'
[15] Subsection (4) tied the right to strike directly to
âcollective bargainingâ. This right was given to workers as a
means of
enforcing the right to âbargain collectivelyâ in ss (3).
In addition, of course, workers had the right, by striking, to secure
an outcome to any demand whether or not the parties had
(inconclusively) bargained about it.
Any
disagreement about collective bargaining was considered as a dispute
of interest: that is why workers were permitted to strike
about it.
Like every other 'interest' in the labour relations field (as opposed
to a justiciable dispute of right), collective bargaining
had to be
secured by negotiation prompted by the threat of collective action.
In the classic dispute of interest case the parties have
no right to enforce; they attempt to establish a right, in the final
resort
by coercive economic action. Allowing workers to strike 'for
the purpose of collective bargaining', firmly puts collective
bargaining
into the category of interest disputes, excluding any
right to judicially obliged collective bargaining.
12
[16] Van der Westhuizen J in SANDU I, drawing heavily on
Brassey and Cooper in Chaskalson and Others,
Constitutional Law of
South Africa
30-30, was prepared to accept that the wording of
the 1996 Constitution was deliberately drafted to differ from the
wording of the
Interim Constitution in order to convey a change in
meaning. I do not agree with the statement by Brassey and Cooper
that the 'right
to engage' in collective bargaining in the final
Constitution differs significantly from the right under the interim
Constitution
which gave workers and employers the 'right' to bargain
collectively. They are closer to the mark when they acknowledge that
'[T]he
distinction between the right to collective bargaining and the
right to 'engage' in collective bargaining is a fine one.' If the
drafters of the interim Constitution intended to build on what the
authors call 'the collective bargaining achievements arising from
the
industrial court's unfair labour practice regime' and the
Constitution then intended to break this edifice down again, it is
not likely that its framers would have sought to achieve such a major
departure from the previous provision by the use of language
differing so slightly from that of its predecessor. I must say that I
fail to detect a change of meaning in the change of expression.
I
suspect that in refining and expanding s 27 of the Interim
Constitution, it was decided to use the expression 'collective
bargaining'
which is not only used in conventions of the
International Labour Organisation but is more familiar to and better
understood by labour
lawyers than the expression 'bargain
collectively' which, while it may mean the same, is not labour law
parlance.
[17] The primary objects of the Labour Relations Act 66
of 1995 (the LRA) adopted to give effect to s 27 of the interim
Constitution
are stated in s 1:
â
(a) to give effect to and regulate the
fundamental rights conferred by
section
27 of the Constitution;
(b) to
give effect to the obligations incurred by the Republic as a
member
state of the International Labour Organisation;
(c) to
provide a framework within which employees and their trade unions,
employers
and employers' organisations can -
(i) collectively
bargain to determine wages, terms and conditions of
employment
and other matters of mutual interest; and
(ii) and formulate industrial policy; and
(d) to
promote --
(i) orderly
collective bargaining;
(ii) collective
bargaining at sectoral level;
(iii) employee
participation in decision-making in the work-place; and
(iv) the
effective resolution of labour disputes.'
[18] It is clear from the way in which s 27 was
implemented that the legislature interpreted the phrase 'the right to
organise and
bargain collectively' to mean that it was obliged to
provide a framework for collective bargaining and, within that
framework, to
promote orderly collective bargaining at sectoral
level. The LRA emphasises the virtues of collective bargaining but
nowhere suggests
that the process should be other than voluntary.
13
The furthest it is prepared to go are certain prescriptions relating
to a refusal to bargain found in s 64(2)A:
'(2) If
the issue in dispute concerns a refusal to bargain, an advisory award
must have been made in terms of section 135(3)(c) before
notice is
given in terms of subsection (1)(b) or (c).
A refusal
to bargain includes -
(a) a
refusal --
(i) to
recognize a union as a collective bargaining agent; or
(ii) to
agree to establish a bargaining council;
(b) a
withdrawal of recognition of a collective bargaining agent;
(c) a
resignation of a party from a bargaining council;
(d) a
dispute about -
(i) appropriate
bargaining units;
(ii) appropriate
bargaining levels; or
(iii) bargaining
subjects.'
Advisory
arbitration is a compulsory pre-strike procedure in disputes over the
'duty' to bargain. The arbitration is not determinative
of the
dispute. It binds neither party. It merely helps them find a
solution. This is the clearest indication that the LRA does not
recognize a duty to bargain enforceable by the courts.
[19] One is entitled to examine the interpretive milieu
into which these three very important pieces of legislation, the
interim Constitution,
the LRA and the Constitution were enacted. They
were negotiated during the same period, 1994 to 1996, and are
obviously intended
by the framers to form a harmonious whole. Where
the LRA is stated to give expression to the rights conferred in the
Interim Constitution,
where the Constitution is then enacted to mould
that very labour relations regime â and does so without departing
in any major
respect from the interim Constitution â where no
writer on labour relations has so much as suggested that the LRA's
provisions
with regard to collective bargaining might offend the
Constitution, and where the constitutionality of these provisions has
in the
eleven years of their operation not been challenged, one would
be hard put not to conclude that they accord, in the words of s 39,
with 'the spirit, purport and objects of the Bill of Rights.'
[20] The LRA does not apply to the National Defence
Force or to personnel employed in the intelligence community.
14
One would have thought that if there were no duty to bargain derived
from the Constitution in the civilian sector there would be
none in
the military,
15
but counsel for SANDU argue that by eliminating the right to strike
in the military sector the lawgiver has removed the most powerful
if
not the only incentive to the SANDF to bargain: The only way to get
the latter to the bargaining table in these circumstances,
it is
argued, is by judicial
compulsion.
[21] There is merit in this contention in so far as it
suggests that the right to bargain is meaningless unless it is
reinforced by
some mechanism to drive the parties to the bargaining
table. Ideally, economic retribution should fulfil this function, but
in situations
where socially it would be too costly or dangerous to
permit parties to assail each other economically, the law provides an
alternative.
The alternative is not for a court (or other tribunal)
to compel the parties to bargain. The alternative is compulsory
arbitration.
That is the device employed to resolve disputes in
essential services in the civilian sector. Counsel for SANDU
nevertheless maintain
that this way of resolving workplace conflicts
is so wholly deficient that it cannot replace collective bargaining,
and that one
cannot from the availability of an arbitration remedy
conclude that there is no duty to bargain.
[22] The argument overlooks important considerations.
First, the device of conciliation followed by arbitration for
settling disputes
in essential and maintenance services where
striking is prohibited, is well established in our law.
16
In terms of the definition of âessential serviceâ in s 213 of the
LRA, the Parliamentary service and the South African Police
Service
are essential services; so also is any service which, if interrupted,
can endanger the life, personal safety and health of
the whole or any
part of the population. The Essential Services Committee
17
determines whether a service should be designated as an essential
service. It also determines whether a service is a maintenance
service, that is to say whether it is of such a nature that the
interruption of that service has the effect of material physical
destruction to any working area, plant or machinery.
18
If
the parties to a dispute in an essential service fall within the
registered scope of a bargaining council, s 74 of the LRA makes
provision for the referral of such a dispute to that bargaining
council; if no council has jurisdiction, it goes to the Commission
for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration. The council or the
Commission must attempt to resolve the dispute through conciliation.
If this fails, any party may request that the dispute be resolved
through arbitration by the council or the Commission.
[23] It was common cause before us that, like the
prohibition on strikes in essential services, the prohibition on
strikes in the
military is not unconstitutional. The permanent force
is in this respect like an essential service and its labour relations
are structured
as though it were. If the labour relations regime for
essential and maintenance services is not unconstitutional in
proscribing the
right to strike without replacing it with judicially
enforced collective bargaining, it is difficult to understand why
military labour
relations which follow the same pattern should be
held to fall foul of the Constitution.
[24] Secondly, proceedings before an arbitrator are
remarkably akin to a process of bargaining. Each party presents facts
and arguments
to which the other is at any time entitled to respond
by making an offer to negotiate or to settle. Thirdly, the prospect
of third-party
determination is a powerful incentive to parties to
settle. This is a well known phenomenon in the civil courts and other
forums
flowing from the fact that each party would rather negotiate
an outcome that is more or less acceptable to it than be faced with
a
less acceptable outcome imposed by an outside decision-maker. The
incentives to negotiate may in these circumstances be even more
powerful than those operating in the case of economic pressure. A
weak union might through the process of rational debate before
an
arbitrator achieve a better result than by exerting such little
economic pressure as it is able to bring to bear. On the other
hand,
a strong union might have a better chance of gaining larger
concessions by striking than by resorting to arbitration. But it
is
certainly not true to say that the arbitration option is so feeble a
remedy that it cannot serve as a substitute for the economic
pressure
that would ordinarily set the bargaining process in motion.
[25] On this part of the case, my conclusion is that the
Constitution, while recognizing and protecting the central role of
collective
bargaining in our labour dispensation, does not impose on
employers or employees a judicially enforceable duty to bargain. It
does
not contemplate that where the right to strike is removed or
restricted, but is replaced by another adequate mechanism, a duty to
bargain arises.
[26] SANDU's counsel raised other, alternative,
arguments. The first of these was based on Chapter XX to the General
Regulations made
under the
Defence Act 2002
. Chapter XX was written
into the General Regulations after the decision by the Constitutional
Court in the
South African National Defence Union
case.
19
The General Regulations have the force of statutory provisions
20
and form an important adjunct to the
Defence Act 42 of 2002
, dealing
as they do with the administration of the armed forces. With Chapter
XX there is now a complete labour relations system
in place for the
military, a parallel system to that in the civilian sector with its
own bargaining council (the Military Bargaining
Council or MBC) and
its own arbitration tribunal (the Military Arbitration Board or
MAB).
21
SANDU's counsel suggested in the alternative that certain of the
Regulations in Chapter XX impose a duty to bargain on the SANDF.
In
part the argument relies on the proposition that by setting up
structures for collective bargaining the intention must necessarily
have been that the SANDF, the only employer, would be obliged to
bargain with military unions: if this were not so the right to
bargain
would be valueless.
[27]
Regulation 3
of Chapter XX states that the
objectives of the Regulations are to provide for fair labour
practices, the establishment of military
trade unions and collective
bargaining on certain issues of mutual interest. In this context it
is important to note that
Regulation 4(1)
provides that, subject to
the Regulations, a member of the permanent force
22
'shall be entitled to exercise his or her labour rights as
contemplated in section 23 of the Constitution, on an individual
basis
or collectively through a military trade union.' Under the
heading 'Collective Bargaining Rights of Trade Unions', Regulations
36
to 40 set out their limits. Regulation 36 which is headed
'Limitation on collective bargaining rights' but as far as I can see
contains
no limitation on the usual sort of matters of mutual
interest that employers and employees bargain about, provides that -
'36. Military
trade unions may engage in collective bargaining, and may negotiate
on behalf of their members, only in respect of -
(a) the
pay, salaries and allowances of members, including the pay structure;
(b) general
service benefits;
(c) general
conditions of service;
(d) labour
practices; and
(e) procedures for engaging in union activities within units and
bases of the Defence Force.'
[28] The limitations are really stated in regulations 37
to 40. My brother Nugent deals with the propriety of these and other
limitations
on labour rights. My concern with Regulation 36 is
SANDU's contention that, read with Regulation 3(c), it obliges the
SANDF to negotiate
with it. I agree with SANDU's counsel that the
intention of the Regulations was that the SANDF would bargain with
military trade
unions. The SANDF accepted this situation and
bargained with SANDU until the insupportable conduct of its
negotiator, its national
secretary, made sensible bargaining
impossible. But this willingness to bargain under tolerable
circumstances is very different from
the compulsion to bargain which
SANDU maintains arises from the Regulations.
[29] In my view one cannot read an intention to impose
judicially enforceable bargaining on the SANDF into the Regulations.
If no
resolution to a dispute on a matter of mutual interest is
reached because the SANDF refuses to bargain, that dispute may, after
a
failed attempt at conciliation by the MBC,
23
be referred to the MAB.
24
There is a remedy whether or not there has been bargaining.
Bargaining, whilst desirable, is not essential to the dispute
resolution
scheme established by Chapter XX.
[30] According to Regulation 64(k), the constitution of
the MBC must provide
inter alia
for -
' . . .
the resolution through conciliation, and failing conciliation,
referral to the Board [the MAB] of any dispute arising between
the
parties to the Council about matters of mutual interest on which an
agreement can not be reached.'
The
significance of this Regulation is that the MBC's powers are
sufficiently wide to permit the referral of any dispute on a matter
of mutual interest on which agreement cannot not be reached. This
would include a dispute that cannot be settled because either SANDU
or the SANDF refuses to discuss it.
[31] The third source of the SANDF's duty to bargain
that was urged upon us, is to be found in the powers of the MBC, more
particularly
in Regulation 63, one of those dealing with the powers
and duties of the MBC:
'63. The
powers and duties of the Council include -
(a) the
conclusion of collective agreements;
(b) the
enforcement of collective agreements;
(c) the
prevention and resolution of labour disputes; and
(d) the
promotion of labour relations and training in this regard.'
[32] These powers and duties include the conclusion and
enforcement of collective agreements but it does not follow that the
MBC's
power to broker a collective agreement extends to compelling
the parties to bargain. Having regard to the prevailing labour
relations
philosophy on collective bargaining, it would be surprising
if such bland language were thought sufficient to achieve the
suggested
object of judicially enforcing collective bargaining.
[33] SANDU III concerns interdicts preventing the SANDF
from implementing a wide ranging transformation and restructuring
program
with, so it is alleged by SANDU, far-reaching effects on the
general conditions of service and service benefits of its members.
[34] The
casus belli
for the interdict
application was the adoption by the SANDF of the spirit of the
framework agreement for the restructuring and transformation
of the
public service agreed upon in the Public Service Co-ordinating
Bargaining Council by way of Resolution 7/2002. Resolution
7/2002
does not bind soldier members of the SANDF although it does bind its
many civilian employees. The SANDF nevertheless decided
to adopt and
implement labour policies
in respect of all its members
similar to and informed by resolution 7/2002.
[35] Consultations on the implementation of the new
measures were held at workshops conducted by the SANDF but they bore
little fruit
and dragged on for so long that the SANDF decided it
could no longer postpone the formulation of its final restructuring
and transformation
plan. On 19 May 2003 it unilaterally approved
revised implementation measures for the plan.
[36] On 28 May 2003 SANDU declared a dispute with the
SANDF over its unilateral action and called on the latter to stop its
implementation
of the revised plan pending resolution of the dispute
by conciliation by the MBC or arbitration by the MAB. The SANDF
refused to
attend a conciliation meeting under the auspices of the
MBC and continued its implementation of the restructuring and
transformation
plan until it was interdicted from doing so. On the
footing that the conduct of the SANDF violated the fundamental right
of SANDU
to engage in collective bargaining, Bertelsman J granted the
relief sought and handed down two orders.
[37] The first order is specific and interim in nature,
interim in the sense that it is to fall away on the occurrence of a
certain
event. It interdicts the SANDF â
' . . . from
implementing and proceeding with the Revised Implementation Measures:
Transformation and Restructuring of the Department
of Defence under
reference number CJSUP/CHRSUP/R/107/16/P dated 21 May 2003 pertaining
to members of the Department pending finalisation
of the dispute
concerning such implementation referred to the Military Arbitration
Board in case number MAB01/2003 in accordance
with the dispute
resolution procedures as provided for under the regulations to the
Defence Act and
the Military Bargaining Council Constitution.'
[38] The second order is general and final in nature,
final in the sense that it is a general prohibition against the
implementation
of any measure that forms the subject of a declared
dispute and is not intended to fall away. It interdicts the SANDF â
'
. . . from continuing with any implementation of any aspect which
forms the subject of a dispute which had already been declared
in
terms of the dispute resolution procedures as provided for in the
aforesaid regulations and the MBC Constitution and referred
for
arbitration to the Military Arbitration Board, pending resolution of
such dispute either by means of conciliation or arbitration
as
prescribed, and in which dispute the issue of collective bargaining
is raised.'
[39] SANDU's contention that the
first order is not appealable is misconceived.
The order is
not interim in the sense that its fate depends upon the final
resolution of a dispute by the court that granted it.
It is temporary
in nature, that is true, intended to fall away on the happening of a
certain event, an award by the MAB, but it is
not an interim order in
the sense that it governs issues that will arise in a pending action
and which would entitle the court which
granted it to reconsider it.
25
[40] The finding that no duty to bargain rests on the
SANDF does not dispose of the appeal. If either the SANDF or a
military trade
union refuses to discuss matters in dispute, and
assuming there to be a duty to bargain, there would be a breach of
that duty and
the aggrieved party would be entitled to approach the
MBC to arrange a conciliation meeting. If conciliation fails,
arbitration by
the MAB would be the next step. It would seem
strangely unprofitable for the MAB to then order the parties to
bargain with each other
since the dispute would by that time have
been discussed at a conciliation meeting under the auspices of the
MBC and would,
ex hypothesi
, have proved to be irresoluble.
The function of the MAB is to resolve the dispute by making an award.
[41] If there were no duty to bargain, precisely the
same procedure would be adopted. In this case there would, of course,
be no breach
of a duty but a dispute that could not be resolved by
discussion would follow the same route to the MBC and thence to the
MAB. The
pertinent question before Bertelsman J was thus not whether
there was a breach of a supposed duty to bargain but whether the
balance
of convenience favoured the grant of an interdict until the
MAB had disposed of the matter.
[42] It seems to me that SANDU has failed to demonstrate
that the balance of convenience favoured it. No convincing case was
made
out by it that there would be any relocation or promotion, or
failure to promote, any of its members that could not subsequently
be
suitably adjusted or compensated.
A fortiori,
in regard to the
second interdict, it failed to show irreparable harm to it or its
members.
[43] On the other hand, the implementation of the
restructuring and transformation plan was of critical importance to
the SANDF which
was burdened with the task of downsizing a defence
force that had grown disproportionately large with the integration
into the statutory
forces of the 'former constituent forces'
consisting of military units of liberation movements and of the
homelands. A cessation
or retardation of the program would affect
thousands of soldiers who could not be suitably compensated if, say,
their promotion was
delayed or benefits to which they might be
entitled under the plan were withheld.
[44] Finally, SANDU contended that the conduct of the
SANDF during the abortive consultations around the restructuring and
transformation
plan amounted to an unfair labour practice. Assuming
that one could from the welter of conflicting evidence conclude that
the SANDF
had behaved in a manner that could broadly be characterised
as unfair, one must seek the answer in the concept of an 'unfair
labour
practice'. It is defined in regulation 1 of chapter XX. It
encompasses unfair discrimination, unfair conduct of the SANDF
relating
to appointment, promotion, demotion, training or the
provision of benefits; unfair suspension or dismissal or other
disciplinary
action short of dismissal; or a failure to re-employ a
former member in terms of any agreement. It does not include the kind
of conduct
of which SANDU complains. In so far as SANDU relies on a
violation of its and its members' rights to fair labour practices in
terms
of s 23(1) of the Constitution, I consider that it is
impermissible for SANDU to rely on a violation of a constitutional
right without
first attacking the relevant statutory labour
provisions as unconstitutional or demonstrating that they are
inadequate to ensure
fair labour practices.
26
[45] If the SANDF's conduct was indeed unfair, SANDUâs
remedy was to break off consultations and seek redress through the
dispute
resolution procedures. This is indeed what it did, and since
it does not claim an order for the resumption of consultations, one
remains rather puzzled by the nature of the relief that it thought an
unfair labour practice determination might afford it.
[46] SANDU I raises important issues of constitutional
interpretation that have broad and fundamental significance. In
accordance
with the usual practice in matters of this kind a
departure from the general rule relating to costs is justified. The
appeal against
the order in case no 306/05 (SANDU I) should therefore
be dismissed without an order regarding the costs on appeal Sandu
III is
rather different. The court
a quo
found that the SANDF
was under a duty to bargain with SANDU. That was a major
constitutional issue. In this court the issue was argued
as part of
SANDU I so that not much remained of the issues in SANDU III. The
appellant, the SANDF, is accordingly entitled to costs
which should
include the costs of the SANDU III record but, having regard to the
time devoted to those issues peculiar to SANDU III,
only one quarter
of the appellantâs costs in this court.
[47] The appeal against the orders in case no 306/2005
(SANDU I) is dismissed with no order as to costs.
[48] The appeal against the orders in case number 004/05
(SANDU III) is upheld. The order of the court below is replaced by an
order
dismissing the application with costs. The respondent is to pay
the costs of the record on appeal as well as one quarter of the
appellant's
costs of the hearing in this court.
J H CONRADIE
JUDGE OF APPEAL
CONCUR:
MPATI
JA
CAMERON
JA
NUGENT
JA
JAFTA
JA
1
2003
(3) SA 239
(T).
2
Reported
as
South African National Defence Union and Another v Minister of
Defence and Others
2004 (4) SA 10
(T).
3
[1999] ZACC 7
;
1999
(4) SA 469
(CC);
1999 (6) BCLR 615
(CC).
4
'International
agreements and customary international law. . . provide a framework
within which [the Bill of Rights] can be evaluated
and understood. .
. ' (
S v Makwanyane
[1995] ZACC 3
;
1995 (3) SA 391
(CC) at 413-414.
5
At
page 7A-8.
6
[1999] ZACC 7
;
1999
(4) SA 469
(CC);
1999 (6) BCLR 615
(CC).
7
So
also article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights and
article 5 of part II of the European Social Charter.
8
Section
126B(1) prohibited any member of the permanent force from being or
becoming a member of a trade union. S 126B(3) made a
contravention
of the prohibition an offence.
9
Apart
from the schedule containing the military discipline code, repealed
by the
Defence Act 42 of 2002
.
10
The
re
were nevertheless cases in which the Industrial Court in the
exercise of its unfair labour practice jurisdiction decided that
a
failure to bargain amounted to an unfair labour practice. The
decisions did not survive the adoption of the
Labour Relations Act
66 of 1995
which codified unfair labour practices and eliminated
this one from their range. See eg
Entertainment Commercial
Catering and Allied Workers' Union v Southern Sun Hotel Interests
(Pty) Ltd
(2000) 21 ILJ 1090 (LC) at 1098A - 1099A;
Macsteel
(Pty) Ltd v National Union of Metalworkers of SA & others
(1990) 11 ILJ 995 (LAC);
Metal and Allied Workers' Union v
Transvaal Pressed Nuts, Bolts and Rivets (Pty) Ltd
(1988) 9 ILJ
696 (IC);
Food and Allied Workers' Union v Spekenham Supreme
(1988) 9 ILJ 6289IC);
National Union of Mine Workers v East Rand
Gold and Uranium Co Ltd,
[1991] ZASCA 168
;
1992 (1) SA 700
(A) (1991) 12 ILJ 1221
(A), a decision of this court which went no further than holding
that once parties had agreed to bargain
they were obliged to do
so
fairly. In
South African Society of Bank Officials v Standard
Bank of South Africa Ltd
1998(2) SA 1 (SCA) at 6H - 7F Scott JA
approved a dictum by Vivier JA in
Mutual and Federal Insurance Co
Ltd v Banking, Insurance, Finance and Assurance Workers. Union
1996 (3) SA 395(A)
at 404C-E affirming that a right to bargain is
not absolute. On the approach of the LRA see for example
National
Police Services Union & Others v National Negotiating Forum &
Others
(1999) 20 ILJ 1081 (LC) at para 52.
11
2006
(2) SA 311
(CC); 2006(1) BLLR 1 (CC).
12
The
Industrial Court in some of its decisions created a hybrid system in
which collective action to enforce collective bargaining
was
supplemented by judicial intervention. The soundness of this
approach is open to doubt.
13
It
thereby introduced a decisive break with the line of jurisprudence
mentioned in footnote 4.
14
Se
ction
2.
15
The
international instruments referred to above display a consistent
pattern of permitting member States not to extend labour rights
to
military personnel.
16
One
of the limitations on the right to strike in
s 65
of the LRA is that
no person may take part in a strike or lock-out if that person is
engaged in an essential or a maintenance service.
17
Established
in terms of
s 70
of the LRA.
18
Section
75
of the LRA.
19
Footnote
3.
20
Section
239 of the Constitution provides that national legislation includes
subordinate legislation made in terms of an Act of
Parliament.
21
The
LRA in s 2(a) excludes the national defence force from its ambit.
22
In
certain instances also a member of the Citizen Force or a Commando.
23
Regulation
64(k).
24
Regulation
71(1) defines 'dispute' as 'any disagreement in respect of a
collective agreement, or any other matter which is or could
be the
subject matter of collective bargainingâ¦'
25
Metlika
Trading Ltd and Others v Commissioner, South African Revenue Service
2005(3) SA 1 (SCA) 12 para 22 â 24.
26
NAPTOSA
and Others v Minister of Education, Western Cape and Others
2001 (2) SA 112
(C);
2001 (4) BCLR 388
(C);
National Education
Health and Allied Workersâ Union v University of Cape Town and
others
(2003) 24 ILJ 95 (CC);
Ingledew v The Financial
Services Board and Others
[2003] ZACC 8
;
2003 (8) BCLR 825
(CC) para 23; see
also
Minister of Health and another v New Clicks (Pty) Ltd and
others
2006 (1) BCLR 1
(CC) para 431.