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[2021] ZASCA 39
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Zuma v Democratic Alliance and Another (1028/2019) [2021] ZASCA 39; [2021] 3 All SA 149 (SCA); 2021 (5) SA 189 (SCA) (13 April 2021)
THE
SUPREME COURT OF APPEAL OF SOUTH AFRICA
JUDGMENT
Reportable
Case
no: 1028/2019
In
the matter between:
JACOB
GEDLEYIHLEKISA ZUMA
APPELLANT
and
DEMOCRATIC
ALLIANCE
RESPONDENT
And
in the matter between:
JACOB
GEDLEYIHLEKISA ZUMA
APPELLANT
and
ECONOMIC
FREEDOM FIGHTERS
RESPONDENT
Neutral
citation:
Jacob
Gedleyihlekisa Zuma v
Democratic
Alliance and Economic Freedom Fighters
(Case
no 1028/2019)
[2021] ZASCA 39
(13 April 2021)
Coram:
PONNAN,
DAMBUZA, MAKGOKA and SCHIPPERS JJA and GORVEN AJA
Heard:
16
March 2021
Delivered:
This
judgment was handed down electronically by circulation to the
parties' representatives via email, publication on the Supreme
Court
of Appeal website and release to SAFLII. The date and time for
hand-down is deemed to be 10:00 am on 13 April 2021.
Summary:
Review
application – delay –
State
Attorney Act 56 of 1957
–
neither
s 3(1), nor s 3(3), authorises the State to cover private legal costs
– whether just and equitable to order repayment
of public
monies paid without any legal basis. Costs – unwarranted
allegations that scandalise the court – punitive
costs as a
mark of displeasure and to vindicate the integrity of the court.
ORDER
On
appeal from
:
Gauteng Division of the High Court, Pretoria (Meyer J, (Ledwaba DJP
and Kubushi J concurring), sitting as court of first instance):
judgment reported
sub
nom
Democratic
Alliance v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others;
Economic Freedom Fighters v State Attorney and Others
[2019]
1 All SA 681
(GP).
The
appeal is dismissed with costs, including those of two counsel, to be
paid on the attorney and client scale.
JUDGMENT
Ponnan
JA (Dambuza, Makgoka and Schippers JJA and Gorven AJA concurring)
[1]
This is an application for leave to appeal and, if granted, the
determination of the appeal itself.
It concerns decisions purportedly
made in terms of s 3 of the State Attorney Act 56 of 1957 (the
Act)
[1]
to pay State funds to a
private firm of attorneys for legal costs incurred by the applicant,
Mr Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma, in respect
of court proceedings
relating - or incidental - to his prosecution for corruption and
related offences. The respondents, invoking
the constitutional
principle of legality, sought orders: (a) reviewing and setting aside
the decisions and each of the related
payments; and, (b) directing Mr
Zuma to pay back the money.
[2]
The two judges who considered the application referred it for oral
argument in terms of the provisions
of
s
17(2)
(d)
of the
Superior
Courts Act 10 of 2013
.
Different considerations come into play when considering an
application for leave to appeal as compared to adjudicating the
appeal
itself. As to the former, it is for an applicant to convince
the court that he or she has a reasonable prospect of success on
appeal.
Success in an application for leave to appeal does not
necessarily lead to success in the appeal. Because the success of the
application
for leave to appeal depends,
inter
alia
,
on the prospects of eventual success of the appeal itself, the
argument on the application, to a large extent, had to address
the
merits of the appeal.
[2]
[3]
Inasmuch as the appeal raises a point of statutory interpretation,
the application had to succeed. On
that score, the high court has
spoken and, absent an appeal, the judgment will continue to apply.
Future litigants are entitled
to the benefit of this Court’s
view on the question. In the circumstances, we considered it
appropriate to grant leave to
Mr Zuma to proceed with the appeal.
That opened the door to a full consideration of the substantive
merits of the appeal itself.
[4]
In December 1994, Mr Zuma was elected the National Chairperson of the
African National Congress (the
ANC) and chairperson of the ANC in
KwaZulu
-
Natal. After the 1994 elections,
h
e was appointed to serve in the first
democratic government of the Republic of South Africa. Initially, he
served at a provincial
level as the Member of the Executive Committee
(MEC) for Economic Affairs and Tourism in the KwaZulu
-
Natal
Province. Following the 1999 general elections, Mr Zuma was
appointed the Deputy President of the country. He ascended
to the
Presidency on 9 May 2009 - a position that he occupied until his
resignation on 14 February 2018.
[5]
On 23 August 2003, the National Director of Public Prosecutions (the
NDPP) (at that time Mr Bulelani
Ngcuka) announced that a certain Mr
Shabir Shaik would be indicted on charges of corruption. It was
alleged that between October
1995 and September 2002, Mr Shaik
personally, and some of the corporate entities that he controlled,
had made numerous payments
totalling a substantial amount of money to
or on behalf of Mr Zuma. Somewhat surprisingly, Mr Zuma was not
indicted together with
Mr Shaik (and his corporate entities). In
2005, Mr Shaik was convicted on two counts of corruption and one of
fraud and sentenced
to an effective term of imprisonment for a period
of 15 years. Mr Shaik’s appeals to this Court
[3]
and the Constitutional Court
[4]
were subsequently dismissed.
[6]
A week after Mr Shaik was sentenced, President Thabo Mbeki released
Mr Zuma from his responsibilities
as the Deputy President of the
country. On 20 June 2005, the then NDPP (at the time Mr Vusi Pikoli)
indicted Mr Zuma on two counts
of corruption (the 2005 indictment),
which mirrored those on which Mr Shaik had been convicted. His trial
was due to begin on 31
July 2006, but on that date the National
Prosecuting Authority (NPA) applied for a postponement.
[7]
On 22 August 2006, Hulley Inc, a firm of attorneys in private
practice, submitted a request on behalf
of Mr Zuma to the State
Attorney (the 2006 request) ‘for legal assistance at the
State’s expense in a criminal case
in which [he was] accused of
two counts of corruption’ and to appoint Hulley Inc and four
specified counsel (two senior and
two junior) ‘to conduct the
case on [his] behalf’. The request included an undertaking ‘on
demand to refund the
State Attorney all costs incurred by the State
Attorney in connection with Mr Zuma’s defence should the court
find that [he]
acted in [his] personal capacity and own interests in
the commission of alleged offences’. On 20 September 2006 (less
than
a month after the 2006 request was submitted), the criminal
trial was struck from the roll. It was never re-enrolled.
[8]
On 27 December 2007, Advocate Mokotedi Mpshe, the then acting NDPP,
announced that Mr Zuma would be
indicted on two counts of corruption,
twelve of fraud and one each of racketeering, money laundering and
tax
evasion
(the 2007 indictment). His trial was due to commence in August 2008,
but in June 2008 he applied for an order reviewing
and setting aside
the decision to indict him. That application was heard on 4 and 5
August 2008 and decided in Mr Zuma’s
favour (per Nicholson J)
on 12 September 2008. Nicholson J thereafter granted leave to the
NDPP to appeal to this Court.
[9]
On 26 September 2008, Hulley Inc submitted yet a further request on
behalf of Mr Zuma to the State Attorney
(the 2008 request) ‘for
legal assistance at State expense in [a] criminal case in which [he
was] accused of’ and to
appoint Hulley Inc, and four counsel
(two senior and two junior) ‘to conduct the case on [his]
behalf’. The request
included an undertaking ‘on demand
to refund to the State Attorney all costs incurred by the State
Attorney in connection
with [his] defence’.
[10]
On 12 January 2009, this Court overturned the order of Nicholson J,
and replaced it with an order,
inter alia
, dismissing Mr
Zuma’s review application with costs. Following upon the
decision of this Court, Mr Zuma made legal representations
to the
NDPP. On 1 April 2009, after receiving representations on
behalf of Mr Zuma, Mr Mpshe decided to discontinue Mr Zuma’s
prosecution (the discontinuation decision).
[11]
On 7 April 2009,
the
Democratic Alliance (the DA), the official opposition in the National
Parliament, brought proceedings to review and set aside
the
discontinuation decision. The DA’s application was opposed by
the State Attorney on behalf of the NDPP and by Hulley
Inc on behalf
of Mr Zuma. It took almost seven years from the launch of the DA’s
review application for it to be heard by
the high court, owing in
large measure to a range of procedural challenges by Mr Zuma and the
NDPP, they having made common cause
throughout the proceedings. In
the meanwhile, on 9 May 2009, Mr Zuma was inaugurated as President of
the Republic of South Africa.
On 29 April 2016, the high court set
aside the discontinuation decision. On 13 October 2017 this Court
dismissed an appeal by Mr
Zuma and the NDPP against the order of the
high court.
[5]
The effect was that the 2007 indictment was revived. On 16 March
2018, the NDPP announced that the charges against Mr Zuma would
be
reinstated.
[12]
Since this Court’s decision in October 2017, the DA had
endeavoured to obtain clarity from the Presidency
as to the extent of
the payments made by the State toward Mr Zuma’s legal costs, as
also, the basis for those payments. The
requests were initially
ignored by the Presidency. In March 2018, the third largest political
party in the National Assembly, the
Economic Freedom Fighters (the
EFF), asked the newly elected President, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, (who had
since replaced Mr Zuma) how
much the State had spent on Mr Zuma’s
legal costs and on what legal basis. The President replied that since
2006 the State
had spent R15.3 million on Mr Zuma’s legal
costs, pursuant to a decision taken by the State Attorney in the
exercise of her
discretion under s 3(3) of the Act.
[13]
When the EFF demanded further information in late March 2018, the
State Attorney provided copies of Mr Zuma’s
2006 and 2008
requests, and stated that the decision to approve the requests had
been ‘taken in terms of section 3(1) of
[the Act] by the
Presidency’. The State Attorney subsequently clarified:
‘
We
are advised that the amount must be broken down into two separate
time periods – before and after the decision to withdraw
the
charges that was eventually the subject of a review application. The
amount incurred in the initial period is R7 505 949,
45 . .
. The process from the application to review the decision to withdraw
the charges up to the end of the decision of the Supreme
Court of
Appeal, the legal costs incurred is the amount of R7 794 301,
28 . . . The total for both the periods referred
to herein is an
amount of R15 300 250, 73 . . .’
[14]
On 13 March 2018, it was reported in the media that the Presidential
spokesperson, Ms Khusela Diko, had confirmed
that all expenditure
that the State had incurred in respect Mr Zuma’s legal costs
was ‘in line with the provisions
of the State Attorney Act’.
The DA then raised the following with President Ramaphosa:
‘
4.1
Your spokesperson, Khusela Diko, confirmed to the media on 13 March
2018 that all expenditure
incurred by former President Zuma was
incurred in line with the provisions of the State Attorney Act.
4.1.1
On what provisions of the State Attorney Act 56 of 1957 does the
Presidency rely to claim compliance with
the State Attorney Act;
4.1.2
What steps were taken to ensure that the Presidency, in
allowing this expenditure, was in lawful compliance with
all relevant
legislation;
4.1.3
The attorney of record of former President Zuma was not
the State Attorney but Michael Hulley of Hulley and Associates,
a
private law firm. On what basis is it alleged that this practice is
subject to the provisions of the State Attorney Act.
4.2
Former President Zuma was, at all relevant times, cited in his
capacity as an ordinary citizen
and not in his official capacity. The
costs orders granted by the Courts in the matters
Zuma v
Democratic Alliance and Others: Acting National Director of Public
Prosecutions and Another v Democratic Alliance and Another
(771
/2016, 1170/2016)
(2017) ZASCA 146
;
[2017] 4 All SA 726
(SCA);
2018
(1) SA 200
(SCA);
2018 (1) SACR 123
(SCA) (13 October 2017) and
Democratic Alliance v Acting National Director of Public
Prosecutions and Others (
19577 /2009) [2018] ZAGPPHC 255;
2018
(2) SACR 1
(GP);
[2016] 3 All SA 78
(GP);
2016 (8) BCLR 1077
(GP) (29
April 2018) were also against former President Zuma in his personal
capacity. Kindly explain on what basis he would have
been entitled to
expect his legal fees to be paid by the State and/or Presidency
and/or Treasury. Also, regard must be had to the
concessions made by
former President Zuma and the National Prosecuting Authority’s
legal counsel, in the Supreme Court of
Appeal, that there was no
merit in the opposition to our client’s Application.
4.3
Media reports furthermore reveal that your acting spokesperson,
Tyrone Seale, conveyed to
the Financial Mail that the State would
continue to fund former President Zuma’s legal fees based on an
undertaking that
was concluded by former Presidents Zuma and Mbeki in
2006. Mention is also made of an undertaking that former President
Zuma has
undertaken to refund the state should he be found guilty.
4.3.1
Kindly confirm whether this is the position of the Presidency? If so,
kindly explain the legal basis on
which such position is held.
4.3.2
Was the Agreement concluded between former Presidents Mbeki and Zuma
in writing? If so, we are entitled
and require a copy thereof.
4.3.3
If not concluded in writing, what was the exact terms of the
agreement? Full details are requested.
4.3.4
Was the so-called undertaking to repay the legal fees,
if convicted, in writing? If so, we require copies thereof.
If not,
we require full details of the undertaking.
4.4
Kindly indicate whether there is a current obligation that former
President Zuma’s
legal fees shall continue to be paid by the
Presidency / State / Treasury.
4.5
Insofar as there exists a current
obligation on the State to continue to fund the legal costs
of former
President Zuma in the above matter or in any other matter, kindly
indicate what oversight is exercised by your office
and/or the
Government and/or Treasury over such expenditure.’
[15]
On 22 March 2018, the State Attorney, after consulting with the
Department of Justice and the President, responded
as follows to the
DA’s letter:
‘
The
decision to provide to Mr Zuma legal representation at state expense
was taken in accordance with section 3(1) of the State
Attorneys Act
56 of 1957. This decision was taken by the Presidency in 2006. After
receiving the request for legal representation
the Presidency sought
advice from the Minister of Justice and the State Attorney. The
decision was based on advice from the Chief
State Law Advisor (M
Daniels), the Director-General in the Department of Justice (Adv
Simelane), the Minister of Justice (Minister
Mabandla) and the State
Attorney (Ms Mosidi) (paras 2.1 -2.4 of the letter);
The
Presidency was also advised that the circumstances of this particular
request warranted the appointment of a private attorney
on the basis
that there may exist a conflict of interest where the state attorney
to be engaged in providing legal representation
or a perception of a
conflict of interest (para 2.5);
The
decision was subject to the undertaking by former President Zuma to
refund the legal costs incurred by the State in the event
that his
defence is unsuccessful. We have been unable to locate a written
agreement between the Presidency and Mr Zuma in this
respect.
However, we have been provided with an undertaking dated 22 August
2006 signed by Mr Zuma and… a second undertaking
was made on
26 September 2008 (paras 2.6 and 2.7);
The
Presidency, at the time was advised that the basis for the
application of section 3 of the State Attorney Act was that the
charges concerned government; that they relate to Mr Zuma’s
activities while he held political office as an MEC in KZN and
later
was required to answer questions as Deputy President; and that the
matter is of public import (para 2.8);
Due
to the fact that the Presidents who came after the undertaking was
signed are the successor in title in the President’s
office,
they assume the obligation created in the undertaking. The office of
the Presidency is therefore bound by that decision
and must continue
paying for Mr Zuma’s legal fees on the basis that it undertook
to do so until such time as the decision
is reviewed and set aside by
the court (para 2.9).
The
PFMA and the Treasury Regulations require the accounting officer in
the Presidency (as a Department) to ensure that there is
sufficient
funding for expenditure that it undertakes to cover. This necessarily
means that there must be a budget provided for
Mr Zuma’s legal
fees. In order to continue fulfilling its obligations under the PFMA
and the Treasury Regulations, the accounting
officer in the
Presidency will request Mr Zuma’s legal representatives to
provide estimates of how much they will require
in order to render
their services to Mr Zuma in the criminal trial. In turn, the office
of the Presidency will seek to ensure that
such estimated costs are
reasonable and budgeted for (para 2.10).’
[16]
On 23
March
2018, the DA applied to the Gauteng Division of the High Court,
Pretoria (the DA application)
[6]
for an order in the following terms:
‘
1
It is declared that the State is not liable for the legal costs
incurred by the
Fifth Respondent (“Mr Zuma”) in his
personal capacity in criminal prosecutions instituted against him, in
any civil
litigation related or incidental thereto and for any other
associated legal costs.
2
The decision(s) taken by the President of the Republic of South
Africa,
the Director-General of the Presidency, the State Attorney
and/or any other public official that the State would cover the legal
costs that Mr Zuma incurred in his personal capacity in the criminal
prosecution instituted against him on or about 20 June 2005
and 28
December 2007 is declared invalid and is reviewed and set aside.
3
The decision(s) taken by the President of the Republic of South
Africa,
the Director-General of the Presidency, the State Attorney
and/or any other public official that the State would cover the legal
costs that Mr Zuma incurred in his personal capacity in interlocutory
and ancillary applications related to his criminal prosecution
is
reviewed and set aside.
4
Mr Zuma is directed to repay to the National Treasury any and all
such amounts
that the State has paid towards Mr Zuma’s personal
legal costs as a result of the decision(s) referred to in paragraphs
2
and 3 above or otherwise, within three months of the date of this
order or such other reasonable period as the Court may determine.
5
To the extent that it may be necessary, extending in terms of section
9(2)
of PAJA the 180-day time period for the institution of judicial
review proceedings so as to terminate one day after the institution
of this application.’
[17]
Shortly thereafter, the EFF also launched an application out of the
same court (the EFF application).
[7]
It sought an order in the following terms:
‘
1.
The decision or decisions made by or on behalf of the first
respondent (“State
Attorney”) to appoint and pay the
third respondent (“Hulley Inc”) to provide and procure
legal and related services
for the second respondent (“Mr
Zuma”) (“the impugned decisions”) are reviewed,
declared unconstitutional
or otherwise unlawful, and set aside;
2.
All of the payments made by or on behalf of the State Attorney to
Hulley Inc
or any other person in purported pursuance of the impugned
decisions (“the impugned payments”) are reviewed,
declared
unconstitutional or otherwise unlawful, and set aside;
3.
Within 6 (six) months, Mr
Zuma and Hulley Inc, liable jointly and severally, shall
repay the
amounts of the impugned payments, plus interest at the prescribed
rate, calculated from the date of each payment;
4.
The costs of this
application shall be paid jointly and severally by any parties
opposing it;
5.
The applicant is granted any further and/or alternative relief that
the Court
deems fit.’
[18]
Aside from Mr Zuma, none of the other respondents, who had been cited
in each application, opposed the relief sought.
[8]
Both applications succeeded. The high court (per Meyer J (Ledwaba DJP
and Kubushi J concurring))
[9]
issued the following order:
‘
(a)
It is declared that the State is not liable for the legal costs
incurred by Mr Jacob Gedleyihlekisa
Zuma (Mr Zuma) in his personal
capacity in criminal prosecutions instituted against him, in any
civil litigation related or incidental
thereto and for any other
associated legal costs.
(b)
The decisions taken by the Presidency and the State Attorney that the
State would
cover the legal costs that Mr Zuma incurred in his
personal capacity in the criminal prosecution instituted against him
on or about
20 June 2005, 28 December 2007 and 16 March 2018 are
declared invalid and are reviewed and set aside.
(c)
The decisions taken by the Presidency and the State Attorney that the
State would
cover the legal costs that Mr Zuma incurred in his
personal capacity in interlocutory and ancillary applications related
to his
criminal prosecution are reviewed and set aside.
(d)
The State Attorney is directed forthwith to:
(i)
compile a full and complete accounting of all the legal costs that
were incurred
by Mr Zuma in his personal capacity in the criminal
prosecution instituted against him and all related or ancillary
litigation,
including all the applications referred to in this
matter, and which were paid for by the State; and
(ii)
to take all necessary steps, including the institution of civil
proceedings, to recover
the amounts paid by the State for Mr Zuma’s
legal costs referred to in paragraph (d)(i).
(e)
The State Attorney is directed
within three months of the date of this order, to file a
report,
under oath and supported by the full and complete accounting referred
to in paragraph (d)(i), detailing the steps that
have been taken and
that will be taken to recover the amounts paid by the State for Mr
Zuma’s legal costs.
(f)
In case 21405/18 (the Democratic
Alliance’s review application), the costs are to
be paid by the
fifth respondent (Mr Zuma), including the costs of three counsel.
(g)
In case 29984/18 (the Economic Freedom
Fighters’ review application), the costs are to
be paid by the
second respondent, (Mr Zuma) including the costs of two counsel.’
[19]
On appeal, which is opposed by the DA and EFF, it is contended on
behalf of Mr Zuma that the high court was wrong
to hold that:
(a)
the DA and EFF had brought their applications within a reasonable
time;
(b)
section 3 of the Act did not authorise the State Attorney to fund
private legal costs at all, including for Mr Zuma; and
(c)
it is just and equitable to require Mr Zuma to pay back the money.
As
to (a):
[20]
This envisages
a
two-stage enquiry. First, whether there was an unreasonable delay
and, second, if so, whether the delay should in all the circumstances
be condoned. It is difficult in this case to attempt any precise
identification of the date when the clock started ticking. This
is
because for as long as Mr Zuma occupied the highest office in the
land: (a) he was both the ultimate decision-maker and beneficiary;
and (b) much of what occurred relating to the funding of his legal
costs was shrouded in secrecy.
[21]
In argument before us, much store was sought to be placed on the
observation by the high court that:
‘
I
accept that the DA knew of
a
decision
for the state to pay Mr Zuma’s personal legal costs incurred by
him in defending the criminal prosecution against
him since around
the time when the DA member questioned the Minister in the Presidency
on the matter in Parliament on 12 September
2008, and that the EFF
might reasonably be expected to have become aware of such a decision
since the latter part of 2013.’
[10]
[22]
There appears, however, to have been no factual foundation whatsoever
for the rather speculative hypothesis that
‘the EFF might
reasonably be expected to have become aware of such a decision since
the latter part of 2013’. In the
answering affidavit filed on
behalf of Mr Zuma in the EFF application, it was stated:
‘
12.
The applicant was formed on or about July 2013 by Mr. Julius Malema,
the deponent to the founding
affidavit, who has been its leader
titled “Commander-in Chief”. Mr. Malema formed the party
after having been expelled
by the African National Congress following
an internal disciplinary hearing.
13.
It is common knowledge, Mr. Malema has been a long-standing member of
the ANC and served
as the President of the ANC Youth League from 2008
to April 2012 when he was expelled from the party. Mr. Malema was
also a staunch
supporter of Mr. Zuma -and in close proximity to the
ANC national leadership including Mr. Zuma.
14.
It can be reasonably informed that as far back as 2008 (if not 2006)
Mr. Malema was or could
be expected to have known about the existence
of a decision or decisions to provide Mr. Zuma with state assistance
to fund his
(Mr. Zuma’s) criminal case. It would be
disingenuous and misleading the Court for Mr. Malema to contend
otherwise.’
[23]
That was the high-water mark of Mr Zuma’s case on the question
of delay by the EFF. But, that is to conflate
the position of Mr
Malema, with that of the EFF and to impute such knowledge as he may
have had (the actual extent of which is
still far from clear) to his
party. It follows that a proper basis had not been laid on behalf of
Mr Zuma for the conclusion urged
upon the court. In that, it is
important to emphasise that the suggestion appears to have been that
the EFF might (not must) reasonably
have become aware of the decision
since the latter part of 2013.
[24]
The EFF explained the timing of its application, which was instituted
within one month of it becoming aware of:
(a) the exorbitant amount
of public money being spent on Mr Zuma’s legal costs; (b) the
purported legal basis upon which
this money was paid; and (c) the
alarming revelation that, despite Mr Zuma’s undertaking to
repay the money ‘on demand’,
the State Attorney had taken
no readily realisable security for such repayment.
[25]
In seeking to determine when the clock started ticking, some attempt
was made to suggest that a distinction ought
to be drawn between the
DA, on the one hand, and the EFF, on the other. In focusing on
the former, it was argued that
as long ago as 1 August
2008, the DA had learnt, in answer to a question in Parliament, that:
‘[t]he legal representation
in the corruption matter is
provided as the State has a direct interest in the matter as it is
alleged that the charges relate
to the Strategic arms procurement
process entered into by the State’.
[26]
However, in the context of a case such as this, any attempt to
distinguish between the DA and EFF may well be artificial
and
illusory. For, as it was put in
Opposition
to Urban Tolling Alliance v The South African National Roads Agency
Limited
:
‘
In
its terms s 7(1) [of
Promotion of Administrative Justice Act 3 of
2000
] envisages asking when “the person concerned” was
informed, or became aware, or might reasonably be expected to have
become aware, of the administrative action. This admits of an answer
where the act affects and is challenged by an individual,
but does
not readily admit of an answer where it affects the public at large.
In that situation it would be anomalous – if
not absurd –
if an administrative act were to be reviewable at the instance of one
member of the public, and not at the instance
of another, depending
upon the peculiar knowledge of each. It seems to me that in those
circumstances a court must take a broad
view of when the public at
large might reasonably be expected to have had knowledge of the
action, not dictated by the knowledge,
or lack of it, of the
particular member or members of the public who have chosen to
challenge the act.’
[11]
[27]
In any event, although the DA had first raised questions in
Parliament in 2008, at no stage until March 2018 had
there been any
intimation as to the legal basis for the decision. Until 2018, the
response, such as it was, in each instance was
vague and studiously
coy. The high court was thus correct in holding: ‘[b]ut, the DA
and the EFF knew – and still know
– very little about the
decisions taken in respect of the funding of Mr Zuma’s private
legal costs’.
[12]
[28]
Nor, until the review application was launched and the
rule 53
record
filed, was anyone to know of the scale and extent of the funding. It
now emerges that the State Attorney paid all of Mr
Zuma’s legal
costs; that is, Hulley Inc’s fees and disbursements (including
counsel’s fees), as well as the costs
of his opponents when so
ordered, in at least the following matters: (a) unsuccessfully
seeking to set aside certain search and
seizure warrants issued in
October 2005 (R9 676 176); (b) unsuccessfully seeking to set
aside a request for co-operation from
Mauritian authorities made in
April 2007 (R4 791 437); (c) unsuccessfully seeking to set aside the
2007 indictment (R2 649 512);
(d) unsuccessfully opposing the DA’s
review of the 2009 decision to discontinue the prosecution
(approximately R7,8 million).
[29]
Neither
the
2006, nor 2008, request had made reference to the costs incurred
before 22 August 2006 or any ancillary litigation other than
the
criminal trial itself. And yet, in all of the aforementioned matters
costs to the tune of some R 25 million were borne by the
State. This,
despite neither a request, nor authorisation for the payment of those
funds. On any reckoning those payments lacked
any proper legal basis.
What is more, it has since emerged that the funding included costs
that were incurred in 2005, not on any
litigation that directly
involved Mr Zuma, but in respect of a watching brief in the Shaik
trial. The funding tap had thus been
opened much earlier than the DA
or EFF could reasonably have suspected.
[30]
Moreover, the funding is ongoing. In an affidavit filed on behalf of
the Presidency it was stated:
‘
The
Presidency continues to provide state funding for former President
Zuma for his criminal trial. It does so on the basis that
the
decision is presumed to be valid and binding until it is set aside by
a court. The continued funding is therefore subject to
the finding of
this Court as to the lawfulness of the decision to provide funding in
the first place.’
As
the alleged wrong is still continuing and will continue into the
future it is difficult to speak of ‘delay’; this
is
because the relief claimed is directed not only at the setting aside
of a single past act, but also the ongoing conduct that
continues to
have a deleterious impact on the public purse.
[31]
To have granted Mr Zuma a blank cheque to pay private lawyers is
egregious. A web of maladministration appears
to have made that
possible. Many of the payments have no asserted legal basis
whatsoever and aside from Mr Zuma, there has been
no attempt by any
of the other respondents who were cited in the review applications,
to defend them. That such a state of affairs
obtained only became
evident after the
rule 53
record saw the light of day. Mr Zuma has
been significantly enriched by those payments. It would be naïve
for a court to simply
ignore all of this. The effect on state
resources can also not be overlooked. Substantial unplanned
expenditure has occurred and
will continue to occur. The thrust of
the argument advanced on behalf of Mr Zuma, on this score, appears to
be that even if unlawful,
the payments should continue because the DA
and EFF waited too long to take the matter on review. Such a
contention is breathtakingly
audacious and must be rejected. In all
the circumstances, it was proper for the high court to have entered
into the substantive
merits of the review application.
As
to (b):
[32]
Mr Zuma argues that the State Attorney was authorised by either
s
3(1)
, or s 3(3), of the Act to appoint and pay private attorneys to
represent him. However, neither section authorises the State to cover
private legal costs. They provide only for the provision of services
by the State Attorney. Section 3(1) of the Act reads:
‘
The
functions of the office of the State Attorney and of its branches
shall be the performance in any court or in any part of the
Republic
of such work on behalf of the Government of the Republic as is by
law, practise or custom performed by attorneys…’.
[33]
That section authorises the State Attorney to act on behalf of the
Government and to perform the work ordinarily
performed by attorneys
and other legal representatives. The purpose of the section is to
give the State Attorney a legal mandate
to act as the Government’s
legal representative. Hulley Inc was to perform and procure services
not ‘on behalf of the
Government of the Republic’, but on
behalf of Mr Zuma in his personal capacity. In all of the litigation,
Mr Zuma was cited
in his personal capacity; the orders sought would
have been enforced against him personally, not against any government
office
or department. The fact that Mr Zuma held high office in the
executive does not mean that in representing him the State Attorney
was acting ‘on behalf of the Government’.
[34]
In relying on s 3(1), the Presidency and the State Attorney appear to
conflate when a government official acts
in an official (or
representative) capacity with that of an official acting in his or
her personal capacity. There has been no
suggestion that Mr Zuma was
advancing any governmental interest or purpose. The prosecution was
instituted against him in his personal
capacity. The thrust of the
allegations against him is that he used his official position and
influence in Government to advance
his private interest. His interest
in the Shaik trial was that of a potential accused in his personal
capacity. So too, was Mr
Zuma’s interest in the DA’s
application to review the discontinuation decision.
[35]
The decisions to appoint and pay Mr Hulley could thus not have been
made in terms of s 3(1) of the Act, which does
not authorise the
State Attorney to perform work on behalf of anybody other than the
Government itself. The decisions were thus
ultra vires s 3(1) and
consequently unlawful, unconstitutional and invalid.
[36]
That leaves, s 3(3) of the Act, which provides:
‘
(3)
Unless the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development
otherwise directs, there may also
be performed at the State
Attorney’s office or at any of its branches like functions in
or in connection with any matter
in which the Government or such an
administration as aforesaid, though not a party, is interested or
concerned in, or in connection
with any matter where, in the opinion
of the State Attorney or of any person acting under his authority, it
is in the public interest
that such functions be performed at the
said office or at one of its branches.’
[37]
Section 3(3) permits
the State Attorney to perform the same functions: (i) in or in
connection with any matter in which the Government
though not a party
‘is interested or concerned in’ or (ii) in connection
with any matter where, in the opinion of the
State Attorney or of any
person acting under his authority, it is ‘in the public
interest’ that such functions be performed.
To fall within the
scope and ambit of s 3(3), it must be evident that the performance of
functions by the State Attorney, in matters
where the Government is
not a party, is justified by the Government’s interest or
concern in the matter or that it is in
the public interest that the
State Attorney assume the functions.
[38]
The test for a Government or public interest under s 3(3) cannot be
reduced to whether the person requesting legal
assistance currently
holds, or held, high office in the Government. Indeed, at the time of
some of the payments Mr Zuma was not
even in the Government. The fact
that ‘there was a possibility of the Deputy President being
implicated’ or that ‘the
allegations were related to Mr
Zuma holding office either as an MEC in the Province of KwaZulu-Natal
or Deputy President’,
could never be determinative of whether
there is a legitimate Government or public interest in extending the
State Attorney’s
services to him.
[39]
Mr Zuma argues that the State has an interest in ‘protecting a
government official’. But this is not
necessarily so. The
Government and the public have an interest in protecting the rule of
law and ensuring accountability and good
governance; all of which is
achieved by prosecuting offences of corruption and other abuses of
public office and by ensuring that
criminal trials proceed without
delay. Whether the Government or the public has an interest, for the
purposes of providing legal
assistance by the State Attorney’s
office, must entail at least an assessment of the nature of the
proceedings; the issues
arising for determination; and, whether there
is a legitimate reason for Government to support a position taken in
the matter by
a party other than Government.
[40]
I daresay, the Government and the public can hardly have a legitimate
interest in supporting a defence against
criminal charges by an
incumbent or former public office bearer and especially not in
respect of charges of dishonesty and corruption.
Allowing officials
to resist being held accountable, by drawing on state resources to
obstruct or delay a prosecution, subverts
the Government’s (and
the public’s) interest. In that regard, much has been sought to
be made of the presumption of
innocence. However, Mr Zuma’s
complaint in that regard misses the point. This is not a case about
whether Mr Zuma is guilty
or not, rather it is about whether the Act
authorised the decisions sought to be impugned.
[41]
The reliance by Presidency and State Attorney on an alleged conflict
of interest to justify the appointment of
private legal practitioners
at State expense to act for Mr Zuma does not assist. The concern over
a potential conflict of interest
only arose because of an acceptance
in the first place that the State Attorney was entitled to act for Mr
Zuma under ss 3(1) or
3(3) of the Act. Since that assumption is
incorrect, the question of a conflict of interest did not properly
arise.
[42]
In any event, it is difficult to see how a conflict of interest could
possibly have arisen. The contestation in
the contemplated criminal
proceedings was between the NDPP, on the one hand, whose independence
is constitutionally protected,
and Mr Zuma, on the other, a private
citizen, albeit one holding high public office. If anything, the
existence of an actual or
potential conflict of interest fortifies
the view that the State Attorney could not act for Mr Zuma. The State
Attorney is obliged
to act only if it is in the Government's interest
or the public interest to do so. That there may have been a
divergence between
those interests and Mr Zuma’s interests must
mean that the State Attorney was precluded from acting for Mr Zuma.
Moreover,
the potentiality of a conflict of interest cannot alter the
mandate or extend the powers of the State Attorney.
[43]
It follows that neither s 3(1), nor s 3(3), of the Act entitles the
State to pay for Mr Zuma’s private legal
costs in his criminal
prosecution and related matters, as the Presidency and State Attorney
had believed. On its express terms,
ss 3(1) and 3(3) only permits the
State Attorney to perform functions; it does not authorise the State
Attorney to outsource its
functions to a private attorney, at State
expense. Yet this is what occurred in Mr Zuma’s case.
As
to (c):
[44]
In its founding papers, the EFF contended that it would be just and
equitable to order that ‘each amount
paid to Hulley Inc, must
be repaid to the public purse, without delay, and with interest at
the prescribed rate.’ Considering
that Mr Zuma had undertaken,
in both of his requests for funding, to repay the State Attorney ‘on
demand’, presumably,
so the contention went, he had made
provision for this eventuality. Mr Zuma was uniquely positioned to
present evidential material
to contradict this. He did not do so. In
his answering papers, Mr Zuma offered no factual material to counter
these contentions.
Accordingly, there was nothing before the high
court to suggest that the order sought was not just and equitable in
the circumstances.
Arguably, consequent upon a finding that the
payments should never have been made, it may perhaps be the only just
and equitable
remedy.
[45]
A just and equitable remedy in this case, so found the high court,
requires a full and complete accounting by the
State Attorney, under
oath and an order directing Mr Zuma to repay to the State the legal
costs incurred on his behalf. A repayment
order may well be essential
to remedy the abuse of public resources; vindicate the rule of law;
and, reaffirm the constitutional
principles of accountability and
transparency, especially by a former incumbent of the highest office
in the land. Simply
setting aside the decision to pay, without
ordering an accounting and repayment, would achieve none of those
crucial remedial objectives.
This, in any event, is less onerous than
if Mr Zuma were asked to repay the amounts on demand as he had
undertaken
to
do.
[46]
In any event, given the nature of the discretion exercised by the
high court, no warrant exists for interference.
[13]
Costs:
[47]
In his application for leave to appeal, Mr Zuma alleged that the
court: (a) ‘essentially [gave] more weight
to the political
interests of the political parties involved than advancing [his]
constitutional rights’; (b) would have
made different findings
if it had been acting ‘fairly and without bias’; (c) in
having accepted the submission that
he should approach the Legal Aid
Board if he could not afford private representation,
demonstrated
‘further evidence of bias’; (d) was ‘hell-bent on
finding against [him] on any point possible’;
and, (e) ‘has
become accustomed to its trend of punishing me with costs all the
time’.
[48]
However, nowhere was any factual foundation laid for any of those
allegations. Despite having been challenged by
the EFF in its
answering affidavit to withdraw these unwarranted and scandalous
allegations levelled, not just against the court
below, but the
judiciary at large, Mr Zuma did not do so. What is more, even after
further opportunity for reflection, the stance
was persisted with in
the appeal. From the bar in this Court, there was an attempt to
either downplay or justify the allegations
as ‘robust
criticism’.
[49]
The contention, absent any factual foundation, that all three judges
who heard the matter had left their judicial
station, scandalises the
court. If true, that all three either independently of each other, or
worse still acting in concert, would
have renounced their judicial
impartiality is a most serious allegation. Imputing bias to a
judicial officer should not lightly
be made. Nor, should the
imputation of a political motive. This is not to suggest that courts
are immune from criticism, even robust
criticism for that matter.
But, the criticism encountered here falls outside acceptable bounds.
[50]
The fairness of court proceedings would clearly be under threat if a
court does not apply the law and assess the
facts of the case
impartially. As it was described in
S v Le Grange and Others
:
‘
It
must never be forgotten that an impartial judge is a fundamental
prerequisite for a fair trial. The integrity of the justice
system is anchored in the impartiality of the judiciary. As a matter
of policy it is important that the public should have confidence
in
the courts. Upon this social order and security depend. Fairness
and impartiality must be both subjectively present and
objectively
demonstrated to the informed and reasonable observer.
Impartiality
can be described – perhaps somewhat inexactly – as a
state of mind in which the adjudicator is disinterested
in the
outcome, and is open to persuasion by the evidence and submissions.
In contrast, bias denotes a state of mind that is in
some way
predisposed to a particular result, or that is closed with regard to
particular issues.
Bias
in the sense of judicial bias has been said to mean ‘a
departure from the standard of even-handed justice which the law
requires from those who occupy judicial office’.
In
common usage bias describes ‘a leaning, inclination, bent
or predisposition towards one side or another or a particular
result.
In its application to legal proceedings, it represents a
predisposition to decide an issue or cause in a certain way that
does
not leave the judicial mind perfectly open to conviction. Bias is a
condition or state of mind which sways judgment and renders
a
judicial officer unable to exercise his or her functions impartially
in a particular case.’
[14]
[51]
There is nothing on the record to sustain the inference that the
presiding judges in this matter (or at a more
generalised level in
other matters involving Mr Zuma) were biased or that they were not
open-minded, impartial or fair. The allegations
were made with a
reckless disregard for the truth and persisted in during argument.
They ought not to have been made at all. But,
having been made, they
ought, in response to the invitation from the EFF, to have been
retracted. To have persisted in the unjustified
criticism of not just
the high court, but more generally the judiciary, is plainly
deserving of censure. Little wonder then that
the EFF submits that Mr
Zuma should be penalised with a punitive costs order as a mark of
this Court’s displeasure and to
vindicate the integrity of the
high court and the judiciary. A submission, for the reasons given,
with which I am in agreement.
[52]
In the result, the appeal must fail and it is accordingly dismissed
with costs, including those of two counsel,
to be paid on the
attorney and client scale.
V
M Ponnan
Judge
of Appeal
APPEARANCES
For
Appellant:
T Masuku SC
(with him M Sikhakhane)
Instructed
by:
Seanego
Attorneys, Midrand
Motaung
Attorneys, Bloemfontein
For
First Respondent
:
S
Rosenberg SC (with him J Bleazard)
(In
case no:
21405/18)
Instructed
by:
Minde
Schapiro & Smith Attorneys, Cape Town
Symington
& De Kok Attorneys, Bloemfontein
For
First Respondent:
T Ngcukaitobi
SC (with him B Winks)
(In
case no:
29984/18)
Instructed
by:
Ian
Levitt Attorneys, Sandton
Lovius Block
Attorneys, Bloemfontein
[1]
Section 3 of
the State Attorney Act 56 of 1957 has been amended by the State
Attorney Amendment Act 13 of 2014. The section as
amended now reads:
‘
(1)
The functions of the offices of State Attorney shall be the
performance in any court or in any part of the Republic of such
work
on behalf of the Government of the Republic as is by law, practice
or custom performed by attorneys, notaries and conveyancers’.
(2)
There
may also be performed at the offices of State Attorney like
functions for or on behalf of the administration of any province,
subject to such terms and conditions as may be arranged between the
Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development and the
administration concerned.
(3)
Unless the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development
otherwise directs, there may also be performed at the offices
of
State Attorney like functions in or in connection with any matter in
which the Government or such an administration as aforesaid,
though
not a party, is interested or concerned in, or in connection with
any matter where, in the opinion of a State Attorney
or of any
person acting under his or her authority, it is in the public
interest that such functions be performed at the said
offices.’
The
applications, the subject of this appeal, predate the amendment,
which came into operation with effect from 7 February 2020.
In any
event, for the present, nothing turns on the amendment.
[2]
Body
Corporate of Marine Sands v Extra Dimensions 121 (Pty) Ltd
[2019] ZASCA 161
;
2020 (2) SA 61
(SCA) para 1.
[3]
S v Shaik
and Others
[2006] ZASCA 105; [2007] 2 All SA 9 (SCA); 2007 (1) SA 240 (SCA).
[4]
S v Shaik
and Others
[2007] ZACC 19; 2008 (2) SA 208 (CC); 2007 (12) BCLR 1360 (CC); 2008
(1) SACR 1 (CC).
[5]
Zuma v
Democratic Alliance and Others; Acting National Director of Public
Prosecutions and Another v Democratic Alliance and Another
above
fn 2.
[6]
The DA application was launched
under high court case number 21405/2018.
[7]
The EFF
application was launched under high court case number 29984/2018.
[8]
The DA
application cited the President of the Republic of South Africa, the
Director General in the Office of the President, the
Minister of
Justice and Correctional Services, the State Attorney and Mr Zuma,
as the first to fifth respondents respectively.
The EFF application
cited the State Attorney, Mr Zuma, Hulley and Associates
Incorporated, the Minister of Justice and Correctional
Services, the
Director General: Department of Justice and Constitutional
Development, the President of the Republic of South
Africa and the
Chief Operations Officer: Presidency of the Republic of South Africa
as the first to seventh respondents respectively.
[9]
The judgment
has been reported
sub
nom Democratic Alliance v President of the Republic of South Africa
and Others; Economic Freedom Fighters v State Attorney
and Others
[2018]
ZAGPPHC 836; [2019] 1 All SA 681 (GP).
[10]
Para 48.
[11]
Opposition to Urban Tolling
Alliance v The South African National Roads Agency Limited
[2013]
ZASCA 148
;
[2013] 4 All SA 639
(SCA) para 27.
[12]
Ibid.
[13]
Trencon
Construction (Pty) Limited v Industrial Development Corporation of
South Africa Limited and Another
[2015]
ZACC 22
;
2015 (5) SA 245
(CC);
2015 (10) BCLR 1199
(CC) paras 89 and
90.
[14]
S
v Le Grange and Others
(040/2008)
[2008] ZASCA 102
;
2009 (1) SACR 125
(SCA)
2009 (2) SA 434
(SCA);
[2010] 1 All SA 238
(SCA);
2010 (6) BCLR 547
(SCA) para 21.