Diba v Miselo and Another (5768/2021) [2021] ZAWCHC 234 (18 November 2021)

80 Reportability

Brief Summary

Customary Law — Validity of marriage — Applicant sought declaration that first respondent was never lawfully married to deceased under customary law — First respondent claimed customary marriage was valid — Dispute over customary marriage negotiations and rituals — Court found insufficient evidence to support validity of marriage as claimed by first respondent, leading to the conclusion that no lawful marriage existed under customary law.

Comprehensive Summary

Summary of Judgment


1. Introduction


The matter was an opposed application in the Western Cape High Court, Cape Town, in which the applicant sought declaratory and ancillary relief concerning the status of an alleged customary marriage and the administration of a deceased estate.


The applicant was Tania Diba and the first respondent was Elizabeth Miselo. The second respondent was the Master of the High Court, cited because the applicant also initially sought relief affecting the first respondent’s appointment in the deceased estate.


The applicant initially sought orders (among others) declaring that the first respondent was never lawfully married to the late Nkosinathi Nelson Xakwe (the deceased) in terms of customary law, directing the Master to suspend the first respondent as executor and to require the return of letters of authority, compelling an accounting in respect of estate benefits received, and directing that letters of authority be issued to a person appointed or recommended by the deceased’s family.


By agreement between the parties (made an order of court), the first respondent returned her letters of appointment, the Master appointed a different person as contemplated in section 18(1)(e) of the Administration of Estates Act 66 of 1965, and the first respondent was required to account to the Master for the period during which she held the appointment. After that procedural development, the only remaining issue was the validity of the alleged customary marriage, which was referred for oral evidence.


The general subject-matter of the dispute was whether a customary marriage existed for purposes of status and attendant consequences in the context of the deceased estate, in circumstances where the deceased’s blood family disputed that the customary-law requirements had been met, particularly with reference to family involvement and ritual or celebratory components.


2. Material Facts


It was common cause, or became procedurally settled, that the first respondent’s appointment in the administration of the deceased estate was addressed by agreement: the first respondent returned her letters, the Master appointed another person under section 18(1)(e) of the Administration of Estates Act 66 of 1965, and the first respondent had to account to the Master for the period of her appointment. The court treated the dispute thereafter as confined to the existence and validity of the alleged customary marriage.


The deceased’s brothers, adult children (who were not born of the first respondent), and an uncle relied on an understanding of the deceased as a “deeply traditional” man who observed amaXhosa rituals and who, in their view, would have involved his family and elders in any marriage process. They relied on the absence of family participation and on the non-occurrence (as they understood it) of certain rituals and practices associated with the reception and recognition of a bride in their tradition, including practices described as utsiki, ukunxibisa/ukubinxisa, and ukuyalwa, and they also relied on aspects of the first respondent’s conduct around the funeral as being inconsistent with widowhood in their tradition.


The first respondent’s version, supported by witnesses, was that she met the deceased in February 2001 and that they developed a relationship. She moved in with him during 2001. She stated that she was unwilling to have children outside wedlock and that the deceased arranged for a delegation (ooNozakuzaku) to visit her homestead. On 14 December 2001, the delegation negotiated ilobolo, the families agreed on R18 000, and that amount was paid; the negotiations were celebrated and were recorded in writing in isiXhosa by one of the first respondent’s brothers who formed part of her family’s negotiating team.


On the first respondent’s version, and that of the witness Nongazi Eunice Nkukuma (“uDabs”), the bride was delivered to the deceased’s home in Paarl in January 2002 as had been agreed. The first respondent was received at the deceased’s home by uDabs, uDabs’s husband, and another person (Jim) described as blood relations/elders associated with the deceased’s family line and sharing the deceased’s isiduko. uDabs stated that she gave the first respondent a new name, Nokwakha, and that she dressed her in bridal attire (amadakhi) and oversaw aspects of reception/celebration.


The court relied on evidence indicating that from January 2002 the deceased and the first respondent lived together at the Paarl address as husband and wife, and that they had two children together (born in 2004 and 2007). The court treated the evidence of the child Masilakhe as uncontradicted on the lived reality that he and his sibling lived with both parents at the deceased’s house, and that domestic violence and abuse featured in the relationship over time.


The court also relied on objective material consistent with the first respondent’s claim of marital status. In particular, on 14 February 2004 the first respondent applied for a protection order in the Paarl Magistrates’ Court and recorded her residential address as the deceased’s home. In that application she referred to the deceased as her husband and stated that they were married by custom. The interim protection order granted the same day was later made final; an attempt to set it aside in 2009 did not proceed and the order remained in force.


The court further considered evidence of prolonged maintenance-related litigation and enforcement efforts by the first respondent against the deceased, which the court understood to be consistent with a troubled marriage marked by abuse and disregard for legal processes. The court also relied on the evidence of Ms Ntoboxolo Bambiso, who confirmed that she had a child with the deceased (born in 2004), as corroborative of the first respondent’s earlier allegations (made in 2004) that the deceased had an affair and fathered a child with another woman, which contextualised the domestic circumstances and the first respondent’s periods of temporary absence from the common home.


A further material feature for the court was the deceased’s limited relationship with his Cala-based nucleus family over many years. The court accepted evidence that the deceased’s parents did not visit his Paarl home since at least 2001, that his father died in 2018 without meeting one grandchild born in 2007, that an uncle had not seen or communicated with the deceased for decades, and that the Cala family did not know about the domestic violence and other household realities. This factual matrix informed the court’s evaluation of whether the absence of the deceased’s nucleus family from the marriage process was necessarily decisive.


3. Legal Issues


The central legal question was whether the first respondent and the deceased concluded a valid customary marriage as contemplated by section 3(1) of the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998, in particular whether the marriage was “negotiated and entered into or celebrated in accordance with customary law” as required by section 3(1)(b).


More specifically, the dispute required the court to determine whether, on the evidence, the customary-law requirements were met in circumstances where the deceased’s nucleus family did not participate and where the applicant and the deceased’s relatives contended that the absence of nucleus-family involvement and the absence of certain rituals meant there was no valid marriage. The court characterised the primary question as whether the involvement of the nucleus family, in the community context described as Western Thembuland in the Eastern Cape, was central to recognition of the customary marriage, and whether the absence of the “coming together” of nucleus families was fatal.


The issues therefore concerned a mixed enquiry. They included questions of fact (what negotiations and events occurred; who participated; what the parties did over time), the application of law to fact (whether those events satisfy section 3(1) of the statute), and a contextual assessment rooted in the court’s understanding of living customary law as a dynamic system whose content must be determined with reference to present practice.


4. Court’s Reasoning


The court approached the remaining dispute on the footing that the estate-administration aspects had been resolved by agreement and that the sole live controversy was the validity of the alleged customary marriage. Because the existence of the marriage was contested on factual grounds, the matter had been referred to oral evidence, and the court’s reasoning drew heavily on credibility, probabilities, and objective corroboration.


The court accepted the proposition that a customary marriage is a familial matter that extends relationships between families, and it acknowledged that customary marriage is commonly marked by a series of events and eventualities unfolding over time. At the same time, the court framed the decisive question as whether the involvement of the deceased’s nucleus family (as pressed by the applicant and the deceased’s brothers) was an essential prerequisite for validity, or whether the marriage could be validly concluded through other eligible elders and processes consistent with the parties’ lived customary practice.


In applying the statutory framework, the court referred to section 3(1) of the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998 and to the approach endorsed in Mbungela and Another v Mkabi and Others 2020 (1) SA 41 (SCA). The court treated that authority as confirming that customary law is dynamic and flexible, that its content must be determined with reference to history and present practice, and that variations and local ambiguities are not unusual. The court understood the Act as leaving communities room to give content to section 3(1)(b) in accordance with lived experience, while balancing flexibility with legal certainty and constitutional protections.


Against that framework, the court evaluated the evidence about the deceased’s family’s insistence that the marriage was invalid because the nucleus family did not participate and because certain rituals were not performed in Cala. The court placed weight on evidence showing the deceased’s long-standing distance from, and limited interaction with, his Cala nucleus family and their lack of knowledge about his household life in Paarl. This factual context supported the court’s inference that the Cala family’s claimed expectations about their necessary involvement were not aligned with the deceased’s lived circumstances and choices.


The court accepted the evidence of uDabs and the first respondent that uDabs and Jim were elders sharing the deceased’s isiduko and that they were eligible, within the customary context presented, to oversee the negotiation and celebration of the marriage. The court found that the deceased made a conscious election not to involve his nucleus family and that he treated consultation with uDabs and Jim as sufficient, given their status as elders with cultural knowledge. The court stated that it could not conclude that the absence of the deceased’s nucleus family resulted in the loss of valuable insight or that something practical, physical, or spiritual was missed in how the marriage was guided to conclusion.


In evaluating conflicting versions, the court was critical of aspects of the Cala family witnesses’ approach and reliability, including their attitude toward the first respondent and their asserted ignorance of significant aspects of the deceased’s life. The court considered the applicant’s assertion that the deceased was unmarried in light of evidence suggesting that the applicant and the deceased’s brothers were unaware of, or downplayed, the deceased’s lived reality, including the household he established with the first respondent and their children. The court also rejected reliance on the family’s exclusion of the word “husband” on the deceased’s tombstone as having value for determining marital status, describing it as their own creation.


The court placed particular reliance on objective material that supported the first respondent’s version. The 2004 protection-order application, in which the first respondent described the deceased as her husband and stated they were married by custom, was treated as contemporaneous evidence undermining the suggestion that the marriage claim was a late fabrication prompted by the deceased’s death. Corroboration from other evidence, including testimony about the deceased’s extra-marital relationships and the domestic violence context, was used to explain periods of separation and to contextualise why the parties might not have appeared to outsiders to be living in harmony, without negating the existence of a marriage.


The court also made an evaluative finding that it would constitute judicial overreach to attempt to define, as a rigid requirement for validity, which persons count as “family” for purposes of concluding a customary marriage, as urged by the applicant and the deceased’s brothers. The court treated “family” within custom as an indigenous concept that should not be fixed in a contested environment by those asserting bargaining power as superior logic.


Applying section 3(1) to the accepted facts, the court found that both the deceased and the first respondent were above 18, that they consented to be married to each other under customary law, and that the marriage was negotiated and entered into or celebrated in accordance with customary law over the period from 14 December 2001 to January 2002. On that basis, the court concluded that a valid customary marriage existed and that the applicant was not entitled to the declaration sought.


5. Outcome and Relief


The court held that the first respondent was married to the deceased in terms of customary law in January 2002.


The court dismissed the applicant’s claim for a declarator that the first respondent was never lawfully married to the deceased. The order made was that Prayer 1 of the notice of motion was dismissed with costs.


The judgment recorded that the estate-administration relief initially sought had already been addressed by agreement between the parties, which was made an order of court, resulting in the return of the first respondent’s letters of appointment and the Master’s appointment of another person under section 18(1)(e) of the Administration of Estates Act 66 of 1965, with an accounting obligation to the Master for the relevant period.


Cases Cited


Mbungela and Another v Mkabi and Others 2020 (1) SA 41 (SCA)


Legislation Cited


Administration of Estates Act 66 of 1965 (section 18(1)(e))


Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998 (section 3(1))


Maintenance Act (as referenced in the judgment)


Rules of Court Cited


No rules of court were cited in the judgment.


Held


The court found, on the evidence accepted as reliable and supported by objective material, that the deceased and the first respondent met the statutory requirements for a valid customary marriage under section 3(1) of the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998.


The court held that the absence of the deceased’s nucleus family from the process did not, on the facts and in the customary-law context presented, render the marriage invalid. It accepted that elders sharing the deceased’s isiduko and recognised within the relevant customary framework could oversee the negotiation and celebration of the marriage, and it rejected an approach that would rigidly fix “family” participation as an inflexible prerequisite for validity.


The court accordingly dismissed the application for a declaratory order denying the existence of the marriage, with costs.


LEGAL PRINCIPLES


A customary marriage concluded after the commencement of the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998 is valid only if the prospective spouses are both over 18 years of age, both consent to be married under customary law, and the marriage is negotiated and entered into or celebrated in accordance with customary law, as contemplated in section 3(1).


In determining whether section 3(1)(b) has been satisfied, customary law must be approached as a dynamic and evolving system, and its content should be determined with reference to living customary law and the present practices of the community concerned, acknowledging that there may be local variation and ambiguity.


Courts should be cautious not to impose rigid, judicially fixed definitions of customary concepts such as “family” as prerequisites for validity where the evidence supports a living practice that recognises other eligible elders and structures. The inquiry remains fact-sensitive and rooted in whether, on the evidence, the negotiation and celebration occurred in accordance with the relevant customary law as actually observed.


Objective contemporaneous evidence of the parties’ conduct and self-identification of their relationship status may materially support or undermine disputed assertions about the existence of a customary marriage, particularly where allegations of opportunistic fabrication are raised.

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[2021] ZAWCHC 234
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Diba v Miselo and Another (5768/2021) [2021] ZAWCHC 234 (18 November 2021)

SAFLII
Note:
Certain
personal/private details of parties or witnesses have been
redacted from this document in compliance with the law
and
SAFLII
Policy
IN
THE HIGH COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA
(WESTERN
CAPE DIVISION, CAPE TOWN)
CASE
NO: 5768/2021
In
the matter between
TANIA
DIBA
APPLICANT
AND
ELIZABETH
MISELO
FIRST
RESPONDENT
THE
MASTER OF THE HIGH
COURT
SECOND RESPONDENT
Heard:
04 October 2021
JUDGMENT
delivered 18 November 2021
THULARE
AJ
[1]
The applicant sought an order declaring that the first respondent was
never lawfully married to the late Nkosinathi Nelson Xakwe
(the
deceased) in terms of customary law. She further sought an order
directing the second respondent (the Master) to suspend the
first
respondent’s as the executor of the deceased estate and
directing the first respondent to return the letters of authority;

and for the first respondent to account for any monies, assets or
benefits payable to beneficiaries which she may have received,

claimed or withdrawn and that the Master issue letters of authority
to a person appointed or recommended by the family of the deceased.
[2]
The application was opposed on the basis that the first respondent
was married in terms of customary law to the deceased. By
agreement
between the parties, which was made an order of court, the first
respondent returned her letters of appointment to the
Master, who
then appointed a person as envisaged in section 18(1)(e) of the
Administration of Estates Act, 1965 (Act No. 66 of
1965). The first
respondent had to account to the Master for the period whilst she
held the appointment.
[3]
The only issue that remained was the validity of the marriage. In
order to properly investigate the existence of the marriage,
the
issue was referred for oral evidence as well.
[4]
The deceased’s brothers, adult children not born of the
respondent and uncle held the view that the deceased was a deeply

traditional and cultural man who performed amaXhosa rituals and
practiced the isiXhosa way of life. This was amongst others because

he had left Cape Town, with its scientific medical resources and
traditional initiation schools, in 1991 and went back to Cala,
his
home village for his initiation into manhood which included his
traditional circumcision. The significance of his travels back
home
to Cala was the inclusion of his family and village kinsmen in his
cultural milestones.
[5]
In April 2001, he had taken the applicant, his daughter with another
woman, to Cala for her
imbeleko.
The mother of the applicant
had passed on. In their family, the mother of the child sat with the
child on
ukhuko
to partake of the meat from the animal
slaughtered for the event. The deceased had brought the applicant
home so that his blood
relative and niece, T[….[ X[….],
could sit on the grass mat with the child for the ritual. Similarly
in 2012, the
deceased took Masilakhe, his first born child with the
respondent to Cala for
imbeleko.
The first respondent did not
attend. His sister, Nqabakazi Xakwe, sat with the child on
ukhuko
to partake of the meat. The family were made to believe that the
first respondent was against the ritual being performed in Cala,
as
she argued that Masilakhe was born out of marriage and for that
reason it was her family, the Miselo family that ought to perform
the
ritual for the child, and not the Xakwe family.
[6]
Against this background, the deceased’ brothers, adult children
and uncle were of the view that the deceased would have
informed his
family about his intention to marry. The deceased would have informed
the elders of the family and would have introduced
the first
respondent to his family and blood relations. It was inconceivable,
according to the family, that it could be alleged
that the deceased
was married, and that complete strangers to the family would have
conducted the lobola negotiations on his behalf.
His marriage would
be the only marriage which the Xakwe family did not attend when it
was that of one of their own.
[7]
There were other blood relations in Paarl, Kraaifontein and Somerset
West who were available in the Western Cape around Cape
Town for the
deceased to engage and involve in his marriage. It was contrary to
the family tradition that he would have strangers
as
ooNozakuzaku
on the family’s behalf, to be his delegation to arrange a
customary marriage. The deceased had a good relationship with his

family. It was strange to the family that the deceased would not have
shared and consulted with them about his marriage.
[8]
After the
ilobolo
negotiations, the bride would be released to
the groom’s family. The Xakwe family, the district of Cala and
the neighbouring
towns, amaXhosa welcome and introduce the bride to
the family through a ritual called
utsiki.
A sheep is
slaughtered and young men of the family would feed the bride from its
meat. She would then be dressed, as
umtshakazi,
in attire
called
amadakhi.
She would be dressed with a scarf around her
waist, a semi-blanket called
ixakatho
over her shoulders and a
black doek on her head amongst others. She does not dress herself up.
Her mother-in-law dressed her up.
This was called
ukunxibisa
or
ukubinxisa.
The female senior members of the family would then
advise her on how to conduct herself as a bride and as a married
woman. The process
is called
ukuyalwa.
The content is referred
to as
ukuhlonipha.
[9]
All these processes were done for the deceased’s four brothers
when they married. It was not done for the deceased and
first
respondent. The conduct of the first respondent around the deceased’s
funeral was another area of concern for the family.
A widowed wife
sat on
ukhukho
from the time of death until after the funeral.
After the funeral she would also be dressed in mourning regalia and
would be so
attired for six months and then a cleansing ritual would
be performed. The widow’s blood relations are invited to such
ceremony.
It is after the ceremony that she could revert to normal
clothing. All these did not happen as the family did not know that
first
respondent was allegedly married to the deceased. She arrived
the day before the funeral of the deceased and left the day after
the
funeral. She came to the funeral accompanying her two children to the
funeral of their father. She conducted herself as an
unmarried woman
before, during and after the funeral and regarded her children as
born out of wedlock.
[10]
The first respondent’s case was that she met the deceased in
February 2001 and they got involved into a romantic relationship.

During that year, in the course of their relationship, the deceased
suggested that he was ready to have children with her. He asked
her
to move in to live with him in his house. It was about six months
after they had started their relationship. She moved in with
the
deceased although her mother did not approve of that move as her
mother was of the view that her moving in without their families

having met was not in accordance with their custom.
[11]
She was not ready to have other children outside wedlock. The
deceased was ready to start a family with her and started to
arrange
his
ooNozakuzaku
to visit her home. On 14 December 2001
ooNozakuzaku
arrived at her homestead as arranged by the
deceased and the marriage was negotiated. The two families agreed on
eighteen thousand
rands (R18 000-00) and
ilobolo
which
was paid. There were symbols of successful marriage negotiations
including exchange of alcohol bottles and a celebration.
[12]
Nongazi Eunice Nkukuma (
uDabs
) was a distant blood relation of
the deceased. She knew the deceased’s father including his two
uncles, Jim Xakwe (Jim) and
Nqabisile Dickson Xakwe (Dickson). She
was a half-sister to the deceased’s father. They shared
isiduko
as a clan and she used to visit her Cala blood relations in her
youth. Jim and Dickson were direct paternal uncles to the deceased,

brothers to the deceased’s father. Jim lived in Somerset West
and worked in Wellington. The deceased, who lived in Paarl
for many
years knew her and regarded her as
uDabawo
(paternal aunt).
The deceased called her
uDabs,
which was the shortened version
of
uDabawo
. The deceased introduced the first respondent to
her and they both treated her as and called her
uDabs.
[13]
The deceased visited her home in 2001 and indicated his desire to get
married to the first respondent. She discussed this with
her husband,
Witbooi Nkunkuma (Witbooi) and later with Jim. They agreed that her
husband would form part of
ooNozakuzaku
and that she and Jim
would be the elders that received the bride. On 14 December 2001 her
husband was part of
ooNozakuzaku
who went to the first
respondent’s homestead to negotiate her marriage to the
deceased. Witbooi was accompanied by Kleinboy
Thandilizwe Ntsondwa
(Kleinboy) and Ntuzi Tswanya.
ooNozakuzaku
was three men
only.
[14]
Kleinboy was the team leader and carried the R18 000-00 on him.
He had been requested by the deceased to form part of
ooNozakuzaku
who visited the first respondent’s family to negotiate the
deceased’s marriage. The Miselo family was also represented
by
three men who were all the first respondent’s three brothers.
Her father passed on.
ooNozakuzaku
successfully
negotiated the marriage with the Miselo family. Kleinboy amongst
others paid the R18 000-00 and also handed over
uswazi
which included three bottles of brandy. The success of the
negotiations was celebrated by a feast at the Miselo family. The
first
respondent’s mother performed
ukulaya.
The
marriage was recorded in writing in isiXhosa by Mntunzima John
Miselo, one of the first respondent’s brothers who was
part of
the negotiating team.
[15]
In January 2002, as the families had agreed, the first respondent was
delivered to the house of the deceased in Paarl. She
was received by
uDabs,
her husband Witbooi and Jim as blood relations There
were other invited guests for the celebration. On the weekend when
the first
respondent was delivered,
uDabs
gave the first
respondent a new name. The deceased had married when he was older, at
thirty eight (38) years, which was more than
the average age of
marrying by his family members. He had discussed his challenge of
finding and keeping a woman as a wife with
uDabs
and had
confided in
uDabs
that the first respondent was someone he
believed would build a family for him and they had both agreed on the
name,
Nokwakha,
as an appropriate name to express the
deceased’s views about the first respondent and his wishes
about their future. The deceased
provided
amadakhi
and
uDabs
dressed the first respondent up.
uDabs
oversaw and led the
process of
ukunxibisa
and
ukulaya.
The deceased had
arranged food and drinks for the occasion to celebrate the delivery
of the bride to his elders at his home. His
friends and colleagues
were present.
[16]
From January 2002 the deceased and the first respondent lived as
husband and wife at their home, [….], with their children

after their respective births in 2004 and 2007. The deceased’s
brothers, adult children and their uncle Dickson did not know
the
deceased or they deliberately exaggerated the benevolence in their
relationship. As a point of departure, they did not know
that the
children of the deceased lived with their parents at his address.
There is no countervailing evidence to that of Masilakhe
that he and
his sibling stayed with their parents at the deceased’s house,
which was their home, and that his father was
abusive towards his
mother. His mother struggled over many years, and eventually left the
address just before the deceased passed
on, and this was after his
father had pointed her mother with a firearm. It was only then that
they realized that instead of his
mother being killed, they would
rather move out of their suburban address back to the shanty town for
her safety. Although they
occasionally left the home because of his
father’s abuse, they usually returned home after their father
would fetch them
or their mother would ask them to return. They only
permanently left their home in September 2020.
[17]
Masilakhe’s evidence is supported by objective evidential
material. On 14 February 2004 the first respondent applied
for a
protection order at the Magistrates’ Courts in Paarl. Her
residential address in the application was provided as [….].

This was the home of their children, the house bought by the
deceased. She listed their two children as persons affected by the

domestic violence. In the application she referred to the deceased as
her husband. The allegations were that he was threatening
and
insulting her, and had thrown her out of their home. At the time they
had been living together as husband and wife for nine
years and she
mentioned that they were married by custom. She complained about his
excessive drinking and that when he was drunk
he swore at them, beat
her up and threw her out of the house. They used to sleep with their
neighbours when he had thrown them
out. In that application, she
mentioned the discovery that he had an affair at the time and had
fathered a child with the new girlfriend.
He sometimes threatened her
with his gun and she was afraid that one day he may kill her.
[18]
The Magistrate granted an interim protection order on the same day.
One of the terms was that the deceased was not to prevent
the first
respondent or any of the children from entering or staying at [….]
or any part thereof. The interim protection
order was made a final
order on the return date. On 20 January 2009 there was an application
for the setting aside of the protection
order. It was removed from
the roll because the deceased did not appear to pursue it and the
order remained in force. The affidavits
and the oral evidence of the
deceased’s brothers, children and uncle in this matter showed
that they either downplayed his
character and played ignorant, or
they did not know what was going on in his life. The conduct of the
first respondent, in 2004,
to protect herself and her children
against the threat to their health and well being by the respondent,
and also to protect and
advance her marriage, dispel the notion by
the Xakwe family that the first respondent’s allegation that
she was married to
the deceased was a recent fabrication
opportunistically occasioned by the death of their family member in
2021.
[19]
Both the first respondent and
uDabs
described the deceased as
indoda erhwada,
figuratively meaning raw and literally meaning
a disrespectful, abusive and rude man. The first respondent had to
approach the courts
in 2008 for her own maintenance and that of the
children. When the application was served on the deceased, he deposed
to an affidavit
and laid a criminal charge against her alleging that
the first respondent had applied for a SASSA grant and in that
application
had identified other men as different fathers of her two
children with him. This was in an effort to thwart her application
for
the maintenance of the children. He had abused his position as a
warrant officer in the SAPS against the first respondent. This
did
not help as a maintenance order was made against him.
[20]
From 2008 until just before his death, the first respondent had
struggled to get the deceased to maintain his children. Their

maintenance court file is over 300 pages, which is around the size an
arch-lever file. It reflects the first respondent’s
struggles
to get the deceased to maintain his children. It also reflected the
deceased’s demeanour, including his suspensions
from work by
the SAPS and failure to attend disciplinary enquiries by his employer
to address his conduct. There is no avenue provided
by the
Maintenance Act which the first respondent did not explore, from
criminal prosecutions to emoluments attachments orders.
The deceased
was abusive and rude and did not have respect, including for
authority.
[21]
In my view, the evidence of Ms Ntoboxolo Bambiso (Bambiso) guaranteed
the truthfulness of the allegations made by the first
respondent
already in 2004, when there was no issue about the existence of a
marriage. In that application the first respondent
mentioned that
part of the problems in her marriage was that her husband had an
affair outside their marriage and had fathered
a child with a
girlfriend. Bambiso told this court that she had a child, E[....]
B[….], with the deceased and the child
was born in 2004. The
abuse of the first respondent by the deceased occasioned that she now
and then left the common home either
because she was chased away or
for her own safety or took “fed-up leave” from the common
home. Not only did the deceased
bring Bambiso home on those occasions
of the first respondent’s temporary absence, he also brought
another woman known to
Bambiso as Blondie. It would not have been out
of character for the deceased, on the day that Bambiso came to the
house and found
the first respondent that when Bambiso later asked
the deceased about the first respondent, the deceased would have said
the first
respondent was just another mother of one of his children.
[22]
The applicant’s word that the deceased was unmarried, should be
viewed in the light of the fact that she was unaware
or deliberately
undermined the lived reality of the deceased. The fact that the
deceased and the first respondent lived at separate
addresses as the
time of his death, should also be contextualized as a factor to
determine the probability of the existence of
the marriage. It is
clear that the applicant, the deceased brothers and his uncle, who
were central in the funeral arrangements
of the deceased, had no
regard to the alleged marriage of the first respondent to the
deceased and it is unfair of them to use
their cold and aloof
disposition towards her against her. The fact that they excluded the
word ‘husband’ on the inscription
of the deceased’s
tombstone is their own creation and carry no value in the
determination of the existence of the marriage.
[23]
The deceased’s brothers and the applicant can be pardoned for
not knowing
uDabs
and their relationship to her. Dickson,
however, should have assisted his nephews and grandchildren in
navigating towards the truth
and peace. I accept the version of
uDabs
and the first respondent that when Dickson met
uDabs
at
the gate of the deceased’s home as part of the delegation from
Cala who had come to fetch the body of the deceased from
Cape Town,
he recognized her immediately and the two reminisced about their
youth and enjoyed their recollection of past events.
If Dickson had
been truthful about his remembrance of past events, the deceased’s
brothers and children would have known
that
uDabs
was unknown
to them as young people but that she was known to the elders in the
Xakwe family. It could therefore not be correct
for them to say that
there was simply communication with persons whose identities, origins
and proximity were not known by anyone
related to the Xakwe family to
negotiate the deceased’s marriage to the first respondent..
[24]
The deceased’s brothers displayed a superiority complex and an
ill-disposed attitude towards the first respondent when
they arrived
to fetch his body. They were determined to remove his remains back to
his ancestral land and were dismissive and exclusionary
of her and
did not accord her any recognition or her voice any worth of being
heeded with a standing within the Xakwe family. They
displayed no
objectivity or at least a capacity to listen to anything that had to
do with her.
[25]
It is difficult, because of the deceased’s brother’s
inherent mind and character displayed by their inclination
and
tendencies, for one to rely on the version of the deceased’s
brothers, Phindile Edward Xakwe (Phindile) and Mzwamadoda
Xakwe
(Mzwamadoda), as regards the presence or otherwise of the first
respondent and her children at the home of the deceased in
2002,
2006, 2007 and 2012 respectively when Phindile visited and around
2011-2013 when Mzwamadoda visited. Mzwamadoda was at pains
to concede
that the deceased came with the first respondent for the respective
funerals of Jim and their grandmother. He later
claimed that he only
heard that she was there but never saw her.
[26]
The observation that a customary marriage is a familial matter is a
correct one. A customary marriage extends the relationship
to the
respective families of its parties. The hallmarks of the conclusion
of a customary marriage is a series of events and eventualities
which
evolve with time. The primary question in my view, which is raised by
this matter, was whether it can be said that the involvement
of the
nucleus family, as understood in Western Thembuland in the Eastern
Cape, was central to the recognition of the customary
marriage. Put
otherwise, was the absence of the “coming together” of
the nucleus families of the parties who marry
in accordance with the
AbaThembu custom fatal to the marriage?
[27]
There is no evidence that suggest that the deceased’s parents
ever visited his home in Paarl since at least 2001. His
father passed
on in 2018 without having met his grandchild, the second child born
to the deceased and the first respondent, Alizwa,
since her birth in
2007. Dickson had never met the deceased’s family before he
came to fetch his body after the death. He
had not seen the deceased
nor communicated with him for over twenty (20) years. The Xakwe
family in Cala had no relationship whatsoever
with the family that
the deceased established in Paarl since 2001. The family in Cala did
not know about the domestic violence
suffered by the first respondent
and her children. They did not know about the deceased’s Paarl
family struggles of not being
able to sleep at home, sometimes
sleeping outside and sometimes with the neighbours.
[28]
They did not know about the first respondent’s struggles with
having food and clothing for the deceased’s children
whilst the
deceased was a senior officer in the South African Police Service and
whilst she was armed with a court order for their
maintenance.
Masilakhe cried when he informed the court about the absence of a
relationship with his paternal family, which was
initiated by the
conduct of his father, and now pursued by his paternal relatives led
by his father’s brothers and their
paternal uncle after the
death of his father. Just like many young men, one could sense that
he yearned for the security, identity
and sense of belonging that
such relationship provided, which his blood relatives in Cala
actively denied him.
[29]
The evidence also suggested that except for Phindile in 2002 and 2012
when his personal academic development occasioned him
to come to Cape
Town for further education, none of the deceased’s other
siblings, which is the other three brothers and
a sister ever visited
the deceased’s home in Paarl. The applicant herself, on the
evidence before me, visited the home between
2004 and 2008, amongst
others when she was introduced to the first respondent by her father
the deceased, and sometime thereafter
when she was at tertiary
education level. In my view, these facts do not support the
impression sought to be created by the Xakwe
family, which is that of
a closely knit family with the deceased being one of the threads that
held it together. The
[30]
On the contrary, the failure of the deceased’s father, his
three other brothers and sister to visit the home of their
blood
brother for twenty (20) years, against the background that the
deceased was disrespectful, abusive and rude, suggests that
the
deceased’s nucleus family, led by their father who was the head
of that family, heeded the AbaThembu idiomatic expression:

Inkomo
enetshobo ayinqandwa”
In
his article, “
IsiXhosa Proverbs and Idioms as a Reflection
of Indigenous Knowledge Systems and an Education Tool”,
Andiswa Mvanyashe (Southern Africa Journal for Folklore Studies,
Volume 29, Number 2, 2019, #5615), in her analysis of Idioms and

Proverbs she wrote the following under the heading “Observations
about Diseases” on this idiomatic expression at page
9:

One
of the idioms that reveal the people in the olden days faces similar
issues to those faced today when dealing with stock and
cattle is the
following (Mesatywa and Jordan 1971, 182).”
The
author cited the idiom and proceeded:

(“A
cow with disease must be left in grassing fields.”)
Mesatywa
and Jordan mention that the symptoms of
itshobo
in a cow are
that it would run around mad and cause damages to its surroundings.
The idiom means that a person who shuns other people’s
advice
and continues to do what is wrong must be left alone because they
might also put one’s life in danger. According to
Mesatywa and
Jordan (1971,182)
itshobo
seemed to be a very dangerous
disease.”
[31]
Section 3(1) of the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act, 1998 (Act
No. 120 of 1998) provides as follows:

Requirements
for validity of customary marriages. –
(1)
For a customary marriage entered into after
the commencement of this Act to be valid-
(a)
the prospective spouses-
(i)
must both be above the age of 18 years; and
(ii)
must both consent to be married to each
other under customary law; and
(b) the marriage must be
negotiated and entered into or celebrated in accordance with
customary law.”
[32]
In
Mbungela and Another v Mkabi and Others
2020 (1) SA 41
(SCA) at  para 17 and 18 it was said:

[17]
… It is established that customary law is a dynamic, flexible
system, which continuously evolves within context of its
values and
norms, consistently with the Constitution, so as to meet the changing
needs of the people who live by its norms. The
system, therefore,
requires its content to be determined with reference to both the
history and the present practice of the community
concerned. As this
court has pointed out, although the various African cultures
generally observe the same customs and rituals,
it is not unusual to
find variations and even ambiguities in their local practice because
of the pluralistic nature of African
society. Thus, the legislature
left it open for the various communities to give content to s 3(1)(b)
in accordance with their lived
experience.
[18]
The Constitutional Court has cautioned courts to be cognizant of the
fact that customary law regulates the lives of people
and that the
need for flexibility and the imperative to facilitate its development
must therefore be balanced against the value
of legal certainty,
respect for vested rights and the protection of constitutional
rights. The courts must strive to recognize
and give effect to the
principle of living, actually observed customary law, as this
constitutes a development in accordance with
the ‘spirit,
purport and object’ of the Constitution within the community,
to the extent consistent with adequately
upholding the protection of
rights.”
[33]
I am not aware that the Curriculum Developers for Education Districts
like those responsible for the curriculum development
within the
AbaThembu region, gave any particular attention to lessons about the
way of life of its inhabitants so that its young
people learnt about
their ways of life, in particular their practices, traditions,
customs and culture. This was the position when
the Indigenous
peoples were still being decided for by the White minority as to what
their children should learn and it seems to
me that is still the
position to date when the Black majority is able to determine its own
content in basic education of its young.
It seems to me that the
education on indigenous knowledge of the young was and remain left to
be instilled by parents, families,
relatives, villages, communities
and societies and in general by oral tradition. It follows that the
parents and families are the
primary sources of information for
current and coming generations about AbaThembu culture, customs and
history and that the blood
relatives, villages, communities and
societies are secondary sources.
[34]
In my view,
uDabs
and Jim were the secondary sources consulted
by the deceased in relation to the intended marriage in terms of
AbaThembu custom.
The deceased made a conscious and deliberate
election not to include his own nucleus family, that is, his parents,
siblings and
adult children in his marriage to the first respondent.
For reasons better known to him, he deemed consultation with
uDabs
and Jim sufficient. Clearly according to him they were the Xakwe
elders and carried his
isiduko
and were knowledgeable about
the AbaThembu custom. I am unable to conclude that the absence of the
deceased’s nucleus family
in any way led to loss of any
valuable insight or knowledge of the deceased’s custom. The
evidence did not show that anything
practical, physical or spiritual
was missed in how
uDabs
and Jim guided the marriage to its
conclusion. The two guided the conclusion of the marriage to reflect
their historical and cultural
experiences.
[35]
In my view, it will amount to judicial overreach if I were to start
to define who was one’s family who would be necessarily

required, for a valid conclusion of a customary marriage, as the
applicant and the deceased’s brothers seem to think. What
I
think I should state, for purposes of this judgment, is that one’s
family remained an indigenous concept whose meaning
should not be
left to be pronounced, deduced and inferred from the knowledge of
those who elevate their bargaining power to superior
logic in a
contested environment. Family as a concept within custom, has never
been and should not be fixed.
[36]
I find that
uDabs,
and Jim shared
isiduko
with the
deceased and together with
uDabs’
husband, Witbooi, were
part of Xakwe family and elders who were eligible to oversee the
negotiation, entering into and celebration
of the deceased’s
customary marriage to the first respondent in accordance with their
custom. Both the deceased and the first
respondent were above the age
of eighteen (18) years. They consented to be married to each other
under customary law. This was
manifested when each of them reported
their intention to marry to their respective elders and initiated as
well as supported the
preparations of the elders in the conclusion of
the marriage. The marriage was negotiated, entered into and
celebrated, from 14
December 2001 to January 2002, in accordance with
customary law.
[37]
For these reasons I find that the first respondent was married to the
deceased, Nkosinathi Nelson Xakwe, in January 2002. I
make the
following order:
1.
Prayer 1 of the notice of motion is dismissed with costs.
DM
THULARE
ACTING
JUDGE OF THE HIGH COURT